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The Wall on the margins of the Casco Viejo’s memory

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The Wall 1
There is no historical marker that explains what this remnant of Panama’s history is and was. Nowadays it’s a good place to put your laundry out to rinse in the rain and dry in the sun.

The Wall

photos and historical note by Eric Jackson

Morgan’s 1671 raid on Panama la Vieja was one of the last major military campaigns in the Wars of the Reformation — if you don’t count things that have gone on in Ireland, especially Northern Ireland, down into our times — but troubles with the British crown, and with various species of pirates and privateers, did not end. The colonial city established by Pedrarias the Cruel did end in a fashion, as between the Spanish scorched earth policy and the British looting and destruction there wasn’t much that was left intact. Within a few years a new city center was begun on a rocky peninsula a few miles to the west, in what is now the corregimiento of San Felipe. That site was chosen for its ability to be militarily defended. The best preserved defenses are around Plaza Francia, with a tall sea wall, the old dungeons and military and government offices and, as you can see on the side facing Amador, the wall where Liberal guerrilla General Victoriano Lorenzo and others faced firing squads. (There is a plaque on the spot of that infamous act of the Conservative regime that was in control of Panama City in May of 1903.)

But facing landward there was also a tall and thick defensive wall, with gun positions every 200 or so feet, which had a surrounding moat and highly restricted access by three gates with drawbridges. After Morgan’s raid the arguments with the Brits were not so much over the relative merits of Catholicism and its Protestant offshoots but about trade policies, European dynastic successions and esoterica like Captain Jenkins’s ear. But while the Atlantic Side and adjacent Caribbean waters and the roads leading to and from Panama City remained vulnerable to British predation, nobody ever tried to force their way past the wall around the Casco Viejo.

In the middle of the 18th century those hostilities ended with a series of whimpers, but the wall persisted for another century, through Panama’s independence from Spain and into the era of Colombia’s endless civil wars being played out in Panama. With those political changes there was a continuity and a series of alterations in the wall’s purpose.

If British corsairs were the original fear, there was also the function of defending the Spanish elite of church and state from slave revolts. As it turned out this was not as big a problem as feared because the main form of resistance for African slaves was to escape to the jungle and join Cimarron communities, black villages in which aspects of West African culture, religion and governance persisted. There was a Spanish Inquisition court in Cartagena to deal with the African religions but for an increasingly destitute Spanish Empire going after these communities was mostly not worth the bother. The Spaniards still had slavery, with all of its implications, until early in the 19th century. This wall and the rest of the original buildings of the Casco Viejo, like Panama La Vieja and the fortifications of such Atlantic Side sites as Portobelo, Fort San Lorenzo and Nombre de Dios, were built by black slaves.

Surely the names of the architects who drew up the plans for the Casco Viejo’s wall, gates, moat and drawbridges are still written down somewhere — back in Madrid the Spanish government was concerned about the project’s cost and would have wanted to know such details — but along with the wall’s existence and purposes, these data have dropped out of popular memory here. (Research by Dr. Roberto Bruno has revealed the role of Italian military architects in many of Panama’s colonial era fortifications.) The thread of the nation’s memory of the wall picks up in 1856, after slavery was abolished but when racial stratification persisted, and when the rising new threat from the English-speaking world was directed out of Washington rather than London.

Back then there were these would-be American conquerors from the southern slave states, looking to imitate what had happened in Texas by conquering parts of Latin America and turning them into new slave states to affect the balance of power in the US Senate. The most infamous of these men, called filibusters, was a “gray-eyed man of destiny,” William Walker. To have a Casco Viejo in which the only black people welcome at night were domestic servants must have looked like an attractive prospective capital of a new slave state to men like this. To the cruder Americans crossing the isthmus at a time when popular and ultimately legal US opinion was that black people have no rights that whites are bound to respect, a Panama without slavery was a place for constant insults and fights. It came to a head in April of 1856 in the slums outside the Casco Viejo walls, when a white American named Jack Oliver took it upon himself to swipe a piece of watermelon from a black vendor, José Manuel Luna. The latter asserted his right to be paid and the former introduced a pistol into the argument. When the smoke cleared dozens were dead and US forces invaded Panama not long afterward.

So by the middle of the 19th century the wall was not only a symbol that attracted a wrong sort of notice that itself posed a military threat and no longer was needed to resist slave revolts in a place where that social relationship had been abolished. Inside the Casco Viejo much of the colonial construction was in ruins due to the ravages of an earthquake and several major fires. The place needed to be rebuilt and the wall didn’t fit into the plans. Thus, beginning in the middle of the 19th century, the old landward facing fortifications began to be dismantled. This remnant, not far from the Casco Viejo’s Plaza Herrera, is one of the last visible reminders.

The Wall 2
These days if an angry crowd wants to march down to the Presidencia they need not breach this wall. They can walk around it.

 

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¿Wappin? No Babylonian female vocalists on YouTube

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Tower of Babel
By another tradition: “O people, We have created you male and female and made you nations and tribes that you may know one another.”

Alas, no Babylonian female vocalists on YouTube

Jefferson Airplane – Somebody to Love
https://youtu.be/-Xj03UNGFHU
Cassia Eller – O Segundo Sol
https://youtu.be/H2oz3PT46SY
translation to English from the Portuguese
Zahara – Imali
https://youtu.be/I7lsAaliIvg
translation to English from the Xhosa
Bonnie Raitt – I Can’t Make You Love Me
https://youtu.be/lLN4f3P1qoI
Bessie Smith – Send Me to the ‘Lectric Chair
https://youtu.be/WrCHsL68AZQ
Janis Joplin – Ball and Chain
https://youtu.be/Z1LAphWvPwI
Joan Osborne – One Of Us
https://youtu.be/geaj9Fb0H6c
Boney M – Rivers of Babylon
https://youtu.be/gXYQwsRuNDE
Mercedes Sosa – Solo le pido a Dios
https://youtu.be/5Mp8W_-gtcg
Celtic Woman – Óró Sé Do Bheatha ‘Bhaile
https://youtu.be/nbcPlb0OQw4
Carla Morrison – Déjenme Llorar
https://youtu.be/JOFsUzyPSqY

 

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Scenes from the 2016 Central American Percussion Festival

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Percussion 1
Nicky Campbell’s seminar was a wide ranging interdisciplinary presentation centered around musical traditions from the once great African empire of Mali and its outstanding at the time cultural and trading center of Timbuktu. Not particularly emphasized in the talk but indicated in the photo was another very important aspect of the festivals that the Danilo Pérez Foundation organizes — the identification and development of those kids whose talents make them good enough to play with the adults.

The Percussion Festival has class(es)

photos and captions by Eric Jackson

Yes, the Central American Percussion Festivals that are one of the cultural features of August in Panama City are promoted as a series of excellent concerts that one need not be possessed of beatnik tendencies to appreciate. But like all of the stuff that the Danilo Pérez Foundation does, it mainly has an educational purpose. The stars of the evening performances are the teachers by day. Nobody gets rich from these events — at least, not directly so in a pecuniary sense — but Panama does get enriched.

 

Percussion 2
Pepe Peña, a festival regular, brings Vene iterations of the Yoruba beat into the mix, and this year something different that Venezuela is doing. He’s introducing drums made from petroleum products rather than from trees and animal hides. He touts it as a boon to the natural environment and has a point, but for Venezuela as the era of fossil fuels phases out it’s a step in the direction of using petroleum as a manufacturing raw material, an obvious but not easy move for an economy based almost entirely on oil and gas.

 

Among the things that Omar Díaz's presentation got into was the relationship between a drummer and a percussionist when playing together in the same band. The basic rule is that the drummer is the "pilot" who sets the beat and the percussionist is the "co-pilot" who embellishes and enhances the drummer's lead.
Among the things that Omar Díaz’s presentation got into was the relationship between a drummer and a percussionist when playing together in the same band. The basic rule is that the drummer is the “pilot” who sets the beat and the percussionist is the “co-pilot” who embellishes and enhances the drummer’s lead.

 

Percussion 4
Colombian musician Juan Pablo Ruiz had as his main topic Brazilian percussion, which he covered. In passing he also talked about how the African call and response style in music is incorporated into the samba beat and discussed the science and philosophy of music therapy, in which music is used to mend or develop damaged or dysfunctional human nervous systems.

 

Percussion 5
So what is “tambojazz?” For one thing, the subject matter of Chale Icaza’s class. The term was coined by the late Panamanian pianist Víctor Boa. Precisely what Boa meant and what his most important influences were are matters of academic debate. Boa’s music, like most jazz, was a fusion of genres. Icaza demonstrated and described the numerical sequences of a number of musical forms from the drummer’s perspective, and explained why some things fuse better than others.

 

Percussion 7
Parenting is one of the big things in Danilo Pérez’s and Patricia Zarate’s life these days and in the back room while the adults and some of the young prodigies held classes beyond two sets of doors, there were these far less structured children’s activities, as in learning by play.

 

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Criminalizing journalism, or criminals getting into journalism?

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ALT PRD
Aldo Lopez Tirone, right, gets into the picture on the 2014 PRD campaign trail. He was a PARALECEN deputy at the time, then later ran for a party position and lost.  So does the extortion charge that he’s facing, whether true or not, drive him farther out onto the margins of political influence? Photo from his Facebook page.

An extortion bust at the margins

by Eric Jackson

[Editor’s note: The “www.dpanama.news” website is unrelated to The Panama News and never had any relationship. The former publication, of far more recent vintage than the latter, generally goes by the name “D Panamá” or “Democracía Panamá” and on its masthead sounds certain anti-oligarchic themes that one might also see played out in The Panama News. There have been a number of folks who have in one way or another pirated The Panama News name since we began publication in 1994 — some with the specific intent of sowing confusion intended to harm The Panama News — and there is the ever present apprehension that some thug who has pirated the name will go to court and pretend to be the “real” thing and get this website shut down and erased. The editor of The Panama News will refrain from trying to read the mind of the editor of D Panamá about this point at this time.]

The journalism as extortion racket meme has again come front and center in Panama. Historically it has almost always been bogus, but there is also a history of mass communications media being used for blackmail, for the most unfair sorts of political smears and in unseemly disputes with rival media organizations. The latest episode pits Aldo Lopez Tirone, an occasional PRD apparatchik and relatively minor business figure, against Emanuel González-Revilla, member of a noteworthy oligarchic family who has hydroelectric dam, banking, retail and media interests who is President Varela’s ambassador in Washington. Lopez Tirone was a Norieguista back in the late 80s when it became unpopular to be such. came back into influence with the PRD’s return to power in 1994, serving as deputy director of the SINAPROC disaster relief agency. Having served in various party positions, Lopez Tirone was rewarded with a major plum — big salary, juicy perks, immunity from criminal investigation, little public notice and almost no work — a seat in the Central American Parliament (PARLACEN) between 2009 and 2014. As is common with Panama’s political caste, in between rides on the public office gravy train Lopez Tirone has dedicated himself to private pursuits. This time around one of his ventures is a news and commentary website, D Panama.

Aldo Lopez Tirone studied agribusiness in Chile and bought a business and finance diploma from the “Rocheville University” Pakistan-based online diploma mill. Such knowledge he has of the news business comes from political activities on various campaign trails and as a reader, viewer and listener of various media. In a way, he would be a poster boy for the Sindicato de Periodistas argument that Panama should license journalists and restrict the profession to those who graduate from the University of Panama’s Faculty of Social Communications. (But of course, from the ranks of such graduates it would be easy to come up with poster children to illustrate one of the arguments for the proposition that this licensing scheme a bad idea.) That a man who has held elected and appointed public offices and party posts within the PRD flaunts academic fraud on his Facebook page reflects part of the corrupt world view that is widely held among Panama’s political caste.

Emanuel González-Revilla studied business administration in the United States, with a BS from Wharton and an MBA from the University of Miami. These days his main business interests are in hydroelectric dams. He is on the boards of directors of Cable Onda and of the Delta gas station chain. He has been a player on the Panama City banking scene, which is now consolidated under mostly Colombian ownership. His extended family, perhaps the richest and most powerful in Chiriqui province, owns a chain of pharmacies and a major stake in MEDCOM, which spun off Cable Onda and runs the RPC and Telemetro TV channels. While the Gozález-Revilla surname plays prominently in PRD circles, that Emanuel serves in a Panameñista administration reflects a tendency among rabiblanco clans to place their sons among the various contending political forces so as to maintain family influence no matter which political party gains the upper hand.

So what’s the scoop? According to Lopez Tirone, it’s that the ambassador’s son does drugs and beat somebody up.

Taken, for the sake of argument, that this story is absolutely true, it would still cross a bright red line in Panamanian media culture and social discourse. Public officials have private lives that are generally off limits to publicity, and the private lives of their children are yet farther out of bounds. But there are exceptions to this. Does a president hire his mistress’s worthless and fugitive from justice brother as a diplomat? That allows a breaking of the normal taboo about discussing politicians’ mistresses. Were illegal drugs transported in a government car, or was illegal business conducted from an official residence? If a relative of a public official is involved in that sort of thing, it becomes newsworthy. But a drunken or drugged out brawl among adolescents, one of them the offspring of a public official, is a tale that almost all Panamanian journalists ignore, or at least just file in their memory for reference if the day comes when said wayward son decides to seek public office. We can argue about the propriety of such standards and hypocritical distinctions in their application, but those are parts of the Panamanian peculiarity about privacy.

The charge is that Lopez Tirone shook down the ambassador for a payment in exchange for not publicizing the alleged incident involving the latter’s son. But the defense is that the elder González-Revilla came to the editor of D Panama with an offer of a bribe not to publish the story, this offer was rejected, and there ensued a set-up in which the big proof was a $5,000 check enclosed in an envelope placed under the windshield wiper of the editor’s car.

Lopez Tirone’s home and car were raided on August 17 and he was taken into custody by police. After two days of interrogation, assistant prosecutor Marcelino Aguilar ordered him jailed under preventive detention for extortion.

 

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What Democrats are saying

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What Democrats are saying

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Rector Magnifico gives himself a severance bonus

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Rector
Rehearsal for the swan song?

Gustavo García de Paredes’s expensive exit

by Eric Jackson

Is his parachute gold or platinum? And is it diamond studded, or merely zircon encrusted? By the terms that have been published, it appears that it will be worth $184,320 to the rector who issued the decree.

He still could run afoul of the Comptroller General or the courts, but the disgraced and defeated outgoing rector of the University of Panama, Gustavo García de Paredes, is doing some major spending on his way out. Having lost the popular vote in 2011 but won on the strength of a weighting system that gave those professors with tenure and administrative employees whom he had hired extra votes, the self-styled Rector Magnífico had intended to run for another term this year but stepped down in the face of multiple scandals, audits and criminal investigations. Had his followers not fought among themselves, perhaps his political machine might have held onto power. But that was not to be and when it became apparent that the game was up many of those who owed their positions to García de Paredes’s patronage headed for the exits. His loyalists were able to be elected as deans of several departments and directors of several regional university branches but his 2011 opponent Eduardo Flores won this time by a wide enough margin to constitute a clear mandate for change.

The results of the June 29 voting took nearly a week to be officially announced. In the wake of the proclamation of physics professor Flores’s election, the winner called for an orderly transition and the avoidance of any major spending decisions. At the time rumors flew around of a mid-July resignation by García de Paredes.

But the outgoing rector ignored calls for the appointment of a joint transition team, decreed job tenure for his vice rectors and other political appointees, approved a $97.4 million contract for the construction of new campuses in San Miguelito and the Clayton Antenna Field, and most recently decreed a series of retirement bonuses. Those who retire early after 10 years of service get six months of their highest salary. Those with 30 years or more of service get 15 months of their highest salary. Considering that the university rector makes more than the president of Panama and the vice rectors make more than national government ministers, it’s quite the generous severance package.

The contracts for the new campuses, the freezing of political appointees into positions in the new administration and the retirement bonuses are all going to be challenged, before the Comptroller General and if they get past that filter in the courts. Look for all of the vice rectors to be locked out of their offices soon after Flores takes over on October 1, then a years-long legal battle over compensation for their ousters. But look at the bonuses as insurance and avoidance, or at least an attempt at these things. If the Rector Magnifico can arrange for these bonuses to be paid out before he leaves office, then he and his entourage can be on their merry ways, leaving the University of Panama that much poorer but at least with that crowd out of the way.

 

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Gandásegui, Las guerras sin fin

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jihadis
Incluso si se acepta la idea de que Estados Unidos tiene algún derecho a decidir qué tipo de gobiernos toman el poder en los países musulmanes, las guerras del EEUU no han parado de la propagación de la influencia yihadista.

EEUU: Las guerras sin fin

por Marco A. Gandásegui, hijo

La campaña electoral en EEUU ha tomado un curso pocas veces — quizás nunca — vista en el pasado. Los dos grandes partidos políticos, el Demócrata –fundado a principios del siglo XIX — y el Republicano — a mediados del decimonono — se han colocado en posiciones políticas sin salida. Por un lado, Donald Trump, el especulador de Nueva York, se tomó el ‘Partido de Lincoln’ mientras que las elites (el ‘establishment’) jugaban con evangélicos, conservadores y una masa de trabajadores frustrados que terminaron dándole vuelta a la mesa.

El Partido Demócrata se contentó con presentar a la señora Hillary de Clinton como sucesora y continuadora del presidente Barack Obama. El poder financiero que controla la maquinaria del partido de FDR (Franklin Delano Roosevelt) al mejor estilo de la política mexicana del “gallo tapado” pretendió correr toda la distancia con su candidata imbatible. Las bases de su partido se rebelaron y se volcaron a favor de un viejo socialista quien presentó su candidatura a la Casa Blanca sin mayores pretensiones.

El ‘viejo’ senador Bernie Sanders hizo una campaña ‘esquizofrénica’ que le dio espléndidos resultados. Por un lado, atacó a los amigos de Hilary, dueños de Wall Street acusándolos de ser el un por ciento de los ricos que quieren acabar con la clase media y con el país. Su discurso se prendió a lo largo y ancho de EEUU y no pudo ser apagado, a pesar de los millones que invertía la cúpula agazapada en los bancos más grandes de Nueva York.

Por el otro, sin embargo, Sanders no atacó el flanco más débil de la ‘Secretaria de Estado’. Su falta de credibilidad y mensajes monótonos no fueron objeto de críticas por parte del candidato de la ‘izquierda’. Esta tarea la asumió el Partido Republicano y su candidato Donald Trump. Hillary tiene un largo historial desde cuando su esposo era el gobernador de Arkansas (en la década de 1980), después Presidente de EEUU (década de 1990) y cuando ella ganó un escaño senatorial a principios del siglo y renunció para ser la Secretaria de Estado de Obama. Un total de 30 años políticos escabrosos y llenos de problemas.

Trump no sólo le saca sus trapos sucios, acusándola de promover la pérdida de empleos y los tratados comerciales que exportan puestos de trabajo. También la coloca a la cabeza del grupo de ‘halcones’ liberales de Washington. La asocia a las guerras en el Medio Oriente, las amenazas a Rusia y el cerco contra China. Trump ha demostrado que Hillary es la peor candidata a la Presidencia de EEUU que pudo haber seleccionado la elite financiera del Partido Demócrata. Lo único que la salva es que Trump es aún peor. Desde la década de 1960 (Barry Goldwater), el Partido Republicano no ha tenido un peor candidato.

Trump ha alienado a vastos sectores del electorado norteamericano. Comenzando con los inmigrantes mexicanos, los negros, los musulmanes e, incluso, las mujeres. Según Hilary, el magnate de los casinos favorecería a los ricos con reformas tributarias y les daría contratos petroleros, minerales y forestales que destruirían el ambiente. La exprimera dama alega que Trump no tiene experiencia en política internacional y representaría un ‘peligro’ si llegara a tener las claves para desatar una guerra nuclear.

El problema que enfrenta el mundo actual es que ambos tienen razón. Hilary es asesorada por los ‘halcones’ más decididos a desestabilizar o a declararle la guerra a cualquier país que no se someta. Pareciera que en su orden del día está contener a China, arruinar a Rusia y, de paso, declarar las guerras necesarias para subyugar al resto del planeta.

Trump puede ser menos sofisticado pero sus objetivos son muy parecidos. Mientras que Wall Street y Hilary juegan a escala global, Trump tiene una visión más vinculada a la economía de EEUU. Sus enemigos son México y China que, en su opinión, juegan según las reglas de la banca financiera anglo-norteamericana. El discurso cae muy bien en los sectores más golpeados y frustrados en EEUU por la recesión económica casi permanente.

Este análisis, que no ha mencionado nombres propios, será ampliado en el XV Congreso Nacional de Sociología que se efectuará en la Universidad de Panamá la próxima semana. Los organizadores tendrán una mesa especial dedicada a EEUU y las aparentes guerras sin fin que ambos candidatos le prometen a sus electores. ¿Qué impacto tendrá esta política sobre Panamá y América Latina?

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The Panama News blog links, August 18, 2016

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Cocoli Locks
Cracks in one of the stair reinforcements at the new Cocoli Locks. This is not a structurally critical part of the locks, but was added as a reinforcement for the locks themselves. It is alleged that these cracks were caused by ships banging into the locks walls. The ACP has not acknowledged the situation.

The Panama News blog links

GCaptain, The new Panama Canal: will US ports recoup their investments?

Global Trade, PanCanal expansion yields boatload of legal disputes

Splash 24/7, Panamax box ships as young as 13 being scrapped

China Topix, COSCO’s more frequent sailing through the Arctic may annoy Canada

Breaking Travel News, Crystal Serenity begins Northwest Passage journey

ESPN FC, Arabe Unido stuns Monterrey

Sportsnet, Toronto FC adds Panama’s Armando Cooper on loan

Financial Times, Trusts comb client lists for tax cheats

Pakistan News Service, ECP orders Sharif to answer Panama Papers questions

The Independent, UK tax accountants face fines in Panama Papers fallout

ICIJ, Panama Papers helps break new reporting ground in Mongolia

The Guardian, Iceland sets early elections in wake of Panama Papers scandal

Ukraine Today, Former public official accused of embezzling busted in Panama

Bloomberg, Panama set to retaliate

EFE, Entra en vigor en Panamá alza de aranceles a importaciones colombianas

La Estrella, Panamá se aleja de entrar a la Alianza del Pacífico

Agencia Peruana de Noticias, Perú y Panamá consolidan relaciones comerciales

El Economista, Las dos revoluciones que podrían mantener el petróleo barato

PLOS, Improving Earth systems models through research in the tropics

EurekAlert, Tropical sea urchins caught between a rock and a hard place

E&N, Primer satélite centroamericano será lanzado entre 2017 y 2018

Mongabay, More biodiversity in grasslands than was thought

Live Science, Experts clash on Panama’s age

Mokdad, The data-poor lives of adolescents

CDC: Lesbian, gay and bisexual high school students’ health in the USA

TVN, Subcomisión para planificar el debate sobre la educación sexual

Gazette Review, Costa Rica returns Cuban migrants to Panama

Prensa Latina, Haitians cause Panama migrant crisis

Telemetro, Arrestan coyotes y descubren trochas de migración irregular en Darién

Reuters, Washington asks for Latin American help with Asian and African migrants

RFI, Corte Suprema hondureña ratifica la reelección presidencial

ADITAL, EEUU publica documentos sobre la dictadura en Argentina

Caribbean News Now!, Belize strikes down anti-sodomy law

Video, Fotoperiodista chileno Felipe Durán liberado después de 300 días encarcelado

González-Revilla, Panama remains committed to transparency

NUPGE, Canadians for Tax Fairness concerned about Panama Papers inaction

Robinson, De-risking and the future of indigenous banks in CARICOM

Atlanta Black Star, Panama-Barbados partnership benefits both

Simpson, Frustración presidencial

ADITAL, MERCOSUR en pugna

 

Asch, Pope Francis and the changing Catholic Church

 

Rousseff, La democracia tiene que triunfar

Boff, Every now and then the plutocracy attempts a coup

Mier, Gentrifying Rio

Gómez Nadal, Los negros dan la cara por la Colombia que les da la espalda

Wang, China and Latin America in 2016

Carlsen, Both parties are playing the Mexico card

Hankins: Donald Trump, white resentment, racism and a ‘great’ America

Rather, Trump and “The Second Amendment People”

Baker: Trade, Truth and Trump

TVN, Los ‘otros” venezolanos en Panamá

Aldama & Gonmzález: Latin@ comic books

 

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Grayson, Another DNC email leak

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DWS caricature
Disgraced former DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz, who is facing a tough primary challenge by law professor Tim Canova, didn’t want to take a position on a Florida medical marijuana ballot initiative during the August 14 candidate’s debate. The following day more DNC emails were leaked, indicating how on her shift at the head of the Democratic Party her and the “official” Democratic positions were prompted by the donations and pressures of the alcohol industry. The next day Wasserman Schultz changed her position on marijuana. Caricature based on a photo from Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s congressional web page.

Another day, another DNC leak

by Alan Grayson

Another day, another Democratic Party leak. Today’s leak includes internal party documents assessing congressional primaries. Guess what? The “party of the people” favors conservatives. And rich self-funders. And businessmen over people engaged in community service. Further, the party never hesitates to throw its weight around in such races, to bury the progressive candidates.

Sound familiar?

We cannot let corrupt party bosses dictate Democratic Party nominees. That choice belongs to us, not them.

Here’s what’s really going on:

Merge — watch the corporate puppets in both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party try to wipe out all dissent, and merge into one callous, monopolistic Big Money Party, remaking America into a land of cheap labor and debt slavery.

Purge — but before they can do that, the Democratic Party much perform a soul-ectomy, ridding itself of anyone dedicated to justice, equality, compassion and peace, so that we can all worship the God Mammon together.

Surge — and the only way that progressives — people with a head and a heart — can prevent that bloodless coup within the un-Democratic Party is to come together, and support progressive Democrats wherever and whenever we can. Especially when progressive Democrats are pitted against party tools and hacks. We have to show the party bosses that we’re the real bosses.

We. Can. Win.

 

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La Feria Internacional del Libro, ya en ATLAPA

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NOT Bosco the Clown
Tolerance of people who are different is a major theme of this year’s book fair. Photo by Alexandra Schjelderup of the Mayor’s Office.
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La tolerancia de las personas diferentes es un tema principal de la feria del libro de este año. Foto por Alexandra Schjelderup de la Alcaldia.

International Book Fair, through Sunday at ATLAPA

 

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