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Farmers & Varela: push comes to shove

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Agriculture Minister Eduardo Carles holes up in his car, surrounded b the riot squad, after he insulted protesting farmers at Divisa. Notice the hole in the car's back window. Exactly who did it is not yet clear, but the issue is being changed, so the Varela administration hopes, from broken promises to farmers and a solicitation of further talks that would not end before Varela leaves office at the end of next June. Photo that's viral on Twitter, but of mysterious authorship.
Agriculture Minister Eduardo Carles holes up in his car, surrounded b the riot squad, after he insulted protesting farmers at Divisa. Notice the hole in the car’s back window. Exactly who broke the rear windshield is not yet clear — four men were arrested but three were released, with at last word a rice farmer from Cocle still held. Politically the issue is now — so Varela hopes — changed to partisan violence from broken promises to farmers. Carles’s solicitation of further talks that would not end before Varela leaves office at the end of next June is a pretty much dead letter. The political front runner for the upcoming presidential election is former Agriculture Minister and PRD nominee Laurentino “Nito” Cortizo. He will win the farm vote. On the strength of that he will deny Varela’s Panameñista Party one of its traditional strongholds. But the protest was a coalition of essentially all of Panama’s farmer groups, crossing party lines and overcoming usually fractious politics in this sector

Photo that has gone viral on Twitter, but which is of mysterious authorship.

Farm politics and a move to flip them

by Eric Jackson

The little disturbance in Divisa on December 18 is long on the background story, which is selectively recounted. The Minister of the Presidency Jorge González, it’s mostly about demagoguery on the part of PRD presidential standard bearer Laurentino “Nito” Cortizo. Without naming names, González went on television and said “Let’s remind adverse political groups that votes are won with proposals and not by inciting violence in the streets.”

It’s quite the low blow to accuse any party of incitement of this sort, but let’s look at how the main parties line up in the Interior in general and with the farm sector.

President Varela’s Panameñista Party has its roots in Cocle province with the Arias Madrid brothers, Harmodio and Arnulfo, coming from Penonome.  That movement’s original rallying cry was racism, as in proposals to sterilize or expel those of Afro-Antillean, Chinese, Hindu, Muslim, Christian Arab or Sephardic Jewish ancestry. They eventually calmed down about that stuff but the core of the party’s identity is a cholo cultural nationalism, wherein, for example, Mireya Moscoso sniffed about how the Afro-Cuban salsa that Rubén Blades revolutionized isn’t really Panamanian like the cumbia stuff she likes. The central provinces and farmers were always central to the Panameñista base.

Panamanians never elect a ruling party to back-to-back terms anyway, but the farm economy has been in a prolonged funk and the various organizations’ proposals have been blown off as impossible under international agreements to which Panama is a party. The president’s party has nominated Panama City mayor and attorney José Isabel Blandón Figueroa as its presidential candidate and in the first poll published since the Supreme Court struck down the ban on publishing polls StratMark found Blandón a distant third with 13.4 percent support. As in, a collapse of the party’s traditional support.

In second place and like Blandón dogged by Odebrecht corruption questions comes the Cambio Democratico candidate, Rómulo Roux. He’s a city slicker, a corporate lawyer and the subject of prosecutors’ attempts to lift the immunity from criminal charges that candidates get. Cambio Democratico was founded by the jailed ex-president and supermarket baron Ricardo Martinelli — one of the major food importers whom farmers claim are putting them out of business. CD does have its base of support in the Interior, including a sector of the rural poor. Those votes are mobilized by gifts, not by farm development programs. The StratMark poll as Roux in second with 23.1 percent support.

Then there is the PRD candidate the front runner who registered at 44.5 percent in StratMark’s mid-December survey. 

Cortizo, after some years in the legislature served as Minister of Agricultural Development in the PRD administration of Martín Torrijos. However, he resigned that post when his boss opted for a free trade pact with the United States. Cortizo was and is not against trading with the Americans or anyone else in principle, but he warned that the terms of this particular deal would ruin the nation’s farmers. The matter was not immediately put to the test, as the pact was not ratified for several years owing to US demands on who could and who could not preside over Panama’s legislature that delayed action by Washington.

If one wants to get into Cortizo’s roots, they are with the young business class that accepted the offer of General Omar Torrijos to set aside labor/management warfare and extreme partisanship for a time so as to unify the country in order to get the Panama Canal and what was the Canal Zone in Panamanian hands. A businessman whose activities have included cattle ranching and construction. Cortizo was part of the following of the late Gabriel Lewis Galindo, and in the Solidaridad party before he was PRD.

In any case, Cortizo has not called for violence and he does have some proposals. In this particular controversy, he’s a free trade skeptic. The farmer groups have a set of nine demands, none of which the current agriculture minister would address. ANAGAN, the National Ranchers Association, is perhaps the biggest and most powerful of the 29-group coalition that took to the streets, not just in Divisa, on the 18th, quite specifically calls for a review of all of Panama’s free trade agreements.

This gets us to the matter of who or what incited the latest round of protests. The simmering anger about promises made but not kept are but a context. What made it boil over was Varela’s and Xi Jinping’s December 3 declaration that Panama and China “will dedicate themselves together to achieve a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement” — the details of which farmers likely won’t know until it’s at the point that they will be accused of trying to disrupt a done deal.

More than anything, it was the prospect of yet another free trade deal made without consulting farmers who would be affected that incited this latest wave of protests.

An agriculture minister who is by vocation a food importer, and who was sent to talk to farmers with nothing but “let’s continue to talk” so say to them? That’s just gravy. The sauce, in turn, was spiced by the police stopping various farmers from getting to Divisa to take part in the protest, in order for it to appear that an unusually unanimous farm sector’s opinion was just the demand of a noisy little fringe group.

 

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‘Hey Dmitri, I have a contract for you…’

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Shamelessly pirated screen shot from the MSN feed.

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Not yet full speed ahead, but getting underway…

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Not quite full speed ahead, but MOVING!
What a mess it has been, and what a pain it will be until we get things the way that we want them to be — simple but elegant. It’s a good thing we have “Plan B” in which, as with past website outages, we continue to publish articles as notes on our Facebook page. That’s found at https://www.facebook.com/thepanamanews. We also post those things on our Twitter feed, which is at https://twitter.com/ThePanamaNews.

Bear with us…

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Bear with The Panama News website for as many moments as it may take us to update to the new version of WordPress

 

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Colegio Nacional de Abogados, El pacto de la ONU sobre migración

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Ben-Meir, A two-pronged approach to Central American migrations

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Central American migrants heading north. Wikimedia photo by Wotancito.

A two-pronged policy needed
to stem the flow of migrants

by Alon Ben-Meir

To dramatically slow the flow of illegal immigration and even end it does not rest on building walls or sending troops to the border, or by heartlessly snatching children from their mothers’ arms, or by incarceration, deportation, or prosecution. A big part of the answer lies in economic development, mainly sustainable development projects, in the migrant’s country of origin. Indeed, instead of building walls, we need to build the kind of bridges that can change the lives of other people for the better and give them hope. After all, the political destabilization in Central American countries was in part, if not to a great extent, precipitated by the United States, which makes America even more morally responsible to do something about it.

Beyond that, abject poverty and hopelessness breeds resentment and despondency and leads to gang violence and extremism, which is only the natural outcome of these subhuman conditions. Little will change unless the people, especially the youth, are given an opportunity to live a normal and productive life, develop a sense of belonging, and have vested interests in their work and self-worth.

The plight of three Central American countries tells the story behind the influx of immigrants flocking to our country from these and other countries.

Honduras is Central America’s second-poorest country. More than 60 percent of the population lives in poverty, and it has one of the highest levels of economic inequality in Latin America. Poverty in Honduras is chiefly due to rampant crime, violence, political instability, corruption, and a significant susceptibility to hurricanes and droughts.

Guatemala has the largest economy in Central America, but despite recent growth, economic inequality and poverty have increased, particularly among the rural indigenous population. Malnutrition and maternal mortality rates are among the worst in Latin America, especially in indigenous areas. More than half of the population lives below the poverty line.

El Salvador has one of the lowest economic growth rates in Central America. Since the end of the civil war in 1992, the country has made progress in terms of political and social development, but high rates of crime and violence continue to threaten these gains. El Salvador is also vulnerable to adverse natural events, which is only made worse by extreme climate change.

In these countries, rural poverty places great stress on cities and ultimately propels immigration, and as long as it does, the enormous economic and political instability that it creates will continue.

Trump’s demand of $20 billion to build a wall along the Mexican border is misguided, impractical, and a waste of precious resources that can change the lives of millions of people if invested wisely in these poverty-stricken countries. Does Trump know how cost effective it is to promote people’s projects within the country of origin?

A fraction of $20 billion would change the socio-economic conditions in these countries. One billion dollars invested in economic development projects can provide food, drinking water, jobs, self-empowerment, and hope for better life for a million poor, displaced, and despairing people.

According to Dr. Yossef Ben-Meir, President of the High Atlas Foundation in Morocco and a 20-year veteran in sustainable development, a $100,000 investment can establish a women’s co-operative of approximately 50 members benefitting approximately 300-350 people. “The outstanding investment needed ends up being a relatively small proportion of the cost the nations that receive or repel migrants incur.”

In Guatemala, for example, an organization working on family planning in 2017 alone prevented over 14,000 unwanted pregnancies, 95 child deaths, and 6 maternal deaths, all with only $880,000.

It has unequivocally been shown that would-be immigrants strongly prefer to stay in their home communities if only their basic needs are met and there exist opportunities for growth. They will work hard to ensure the sustainability of projects they choose and develop vested interests in their implementation and outcomes.

It should be noted that the principle of economic development is the same, be that in countries in South America or Africa; only the nature and the type of project differs from one country or community to another, depending on their special needs. Here is where we must invest, to give people a chance not only for their sake but ours as well, because America flourishes when other people in far lands flourish too.

Economic investments and the implementation of sustainable development projects doesn’t mean that all illegal immigration will stop. We still need a comprehensive immigration policy consistent with our tradition of receiving migrants with open arms—a sensible and compassionate policy that governs all aspects of migration to America.

We should end the painful instability for DREAMers by offering a path to citizenship to the nearly one million individuals who came to the USA when they were children. They are Americans in their hearts and souls; they are here to stay, and we have a solemn obligation to remove any cloud of uncertainty about their future.

We must resolve once and for all the problem of the over 12 million undocumented immigrants who have been in the country for years and have become an integral part of America’s social fabric. They should be assured that they will not be deported if they voluntarily register and will too be offered a path to citizenship — a one-time amnesty program.

We must enforce established procedures to deal with refugees and asylum seekers, not ignore or completely violate them as the Trump administration has cruelly done – a decent process that allows safety for those who are escaping the horror of violence and would face certain death if turned back.

And finally, existing programs for legal immigration, including the Diversity Immigrant Visa Program, family reunification, and employment-based immigration, should be fully implemented. The Trump administration should be prevented from undermining these processes that have been in place for many years.

America has and must continue to welcome immigrants of all colors, denominations, and countries. Each and every new migrant, regardless of his or her background, brings with them the riches of their culture, talents, and skills, and ultimately is economically beneficial to the United States, not a drain.

There is something magical about America. It is a country that has opened its doors to immigrants from the world over, and the wider the door has been open, the better and greater America has become. But sadly, Trump’s racist, Islamophobic, and white supremacist DNA has made an even greater mess of the already unsavory, incoherent, and partisan policy and methods in addressing the problem of immigration.

The solution to illegal immigration must be based on a two-pronged policy: first, investing in economic development projects through private entities to alleviate poverty and substantially reduce violence, which would also encourage other countries to invest. Second, developing a comprehensive immigration policy consistent with our tradition and moral obligation to extend our hands to those whose only sin is escaping the horrors of war, violence, and starvation.

The simultaneous implementation of this two-tiered policy would, within a relatively short period of time, significantly reduce the influx of migrants to our borders while developing the socio-economic conditions to give substance and reason for the inhabitants of these countries to stay put and build a hopeful future in their homeland.

 

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