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Central American and Panamanian Migrants

Panamanian migration in the United States has a historic connection to the canal. Most migration from Panama has occurred as a result of the relationship with the US presence in the canal, through the free trade zone and the military bases. The end result was a regular flow of migrants going to the United States linked to marriages with American citizens, work relationships with US companies and later on political linkages between opposition groups and US interests.

However, such migration has been relatively different to that of other Central American countries. Thus, although there is also a significant number of Central Americans residing in the United States, Panamanians constitute a smaller number. (see table below).

Unlike Panamanians, the large majority of Central American immigrants residing in the United States arrived in the early 1980s. It is with the war and repression in the region that most Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Nicaraguans and Hondurans fled their countries in search of safe haven (Dunkerley 1994, 46-47). Now Central Americans constitute a 'fresh diaspora'; that is, an ethnic minority produced by migration patterns which "maintain sentimental or material links with its land of origin" (Esman 1986, 333). By 1990, more than one million Guatemalans, Nicaraguans, and Salvadorans had left for the United States and other countries escaping various forms of political instability and repression, as well as economic crisis and social injustice (Vilas 1995, 141).

As the table shows, except with Panama, two-thirds of the Central Americans who lived by 1990 in the United States had migrated in the eighties. It is therefore not surprising that a large proportion of them were foreign born (See Table 3). In the case of Salvadorans, for instance, the number of foreign-born Salvadorans had increased to over one million by 2000. It is important to note that migration to the United States was not even among Central Americans. It took place during different phases and under different procedures. Because of US anti- Sandinismo, Nicaraguan emigrants, for example, enjoyed more support over issues of legalization through political asylum than other Central Americans. Nearly 12,000 Nicaraguans were granted political asylum during the period from 1983 and 1992 against 1200 cases granted by the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the same period to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras combined.

All of these groups established various symbolic, sentimental, as well as material links with their home countries. Many of those links go well beyond maintaining family contacts

Panamanians in the United States

Those links are associated with the migration flows in various hosts countries. In the case of migration to the United States, Panamanian immigrants went to locate themselves in various parts of the country. The number of Panamanians in the United States is near 200,000 depending on prevailing estimates. The US Census Bureau estimates a conservative figure near 100,000; however, the Mumford Institute has estimated the number to be about 165,000.

Unlike other Central Americans, Panamanians are more scattered in the United States with no major demographic concentration. The state where there is a larger presence of Panamanians is New York and then followed by Florida; however their size is relatively small compared to their total estimated population in the US

These groups of immigrants are also scattered in various cities. Again, the largest percentage is located in New York city metropolitan area. Panamanians live in traditional Latin American places of migration in the US, though their volume is smaller than in other groups.

Remittances Sent to Panama

How much do Panamanians sent to their home country? Unlike other Central American counterparts like Salvadorans and Guatemalans, Panamanians don't remit in similar numbers. According to World Bank statistics the amount Panamanians sent was less than twenty million dollars. This amount may be greater than the official figure, and approximate $170 million or more; however, further research is required. (Surveys estimate that 70% of immigrants send remittances seven times a year, using that number with Panamanians in the US who on average send $200, the total flow would equal to about $177 million.) One possible reason why remittances are not experiencing similar proportions relate to the way in which migration has occurred, that is with a number of individuals coming in the periods preceding the country's democratic transition since 1989, therefore experiencing lesser ties.

At the per capita level, Panamanians who send remittances send similar average amounts than other Latin American groups. While the Latin American average is about $270, Panamanians send $220 (see chart below).

When Panamanian immigrants remitting patterns are observed throughout the year, one observes two important increases, March, and the Christmas period. The first one reflects the school year, whereas the second reflects the Christmas period. However, overall the sending patterns suggest similar averages for the most part of the year.

Continuity of migration

One important feature of Panamanian migration is that the numbers of legal migrants who arrive to the United States are smaller than any other Central American group (except with Belize and Costa Rica) because family linkages are less pronounced than with other groups.

Another important characteristic however is that Panamanians have a high rate of naturalization in the United States when compared to other Central Americans. In the past five years, in fact one can observe that the number of naturalized Panamanians almost equals the number of new migrants entering the country. The fact that this diaspora is incorporating in larger numbers into the US polity have important implications for its future relationship with Panama and the US.

Questions to ponder: How strong is the diaspora relationship with Panama?

The networks resulting from the prevailing ties of labor migration have contributed significantly to the integration of countries into the global economy. This latter point is important on various levels, including donations, investment [small and large], trade, tourism and unilateral transfers. The mobilization of migrant (and their relatives') savings and investments at home (in the acquisition of land, property, or small businesses) are important to areas traditionally neglected by the private and public sectors. Worker remittances, and donations made by migrant associations, constitute key building blocks of economic growth and subsistence in many countries. In short, there exist at least 5Ts that integrate many countries in the global economy through migration (namely, transfers of remittances and grants, transportation, tourism, telecommunication and nostalgic trade). The share of these factors in national income in cases exceeds half a country's GDP.

Is the Panamanian diaspora as connected to her home country as other Latin American groups? What policy alternatives exist to motivate and strengthen these linkages? These issues are important to be addressed as commercial integration is increasingly reaching to the region, and Panama in particular.

Also in this section:
Business & Economy Briefs
Seguro Social strike
The Panamanian Diaspora
City of Knowledge

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