opinion

Slush funds in Panama, whether they are for legislative circuits, discretionary or secret, in the hands of presidents, legislators, attorneys general or comptrollers, are the most complete expression of the high degree of political corruption that exists. They are also, at the same time, an example of the great truth that Montesquieu taught: “Corruption rarely begins with the people.”

The sprinkler of corruption that meant the defenestration of the democratic constitution of 1946 introduced, among its different variants of deinstitutionalization and imposition of the general’s will against the general will, the ever more substantial “secret or discretionary funds.” It’s enough to leaf through the record of the dance of millions that, since 1968 up to this time, has passed through the hands of certain high authorities, to come up with the evidence of kleptocracy as a governmental method.

As professor Rubén Darío Carles, hijo well put it, “Starting with the coup d’etat in October of 68 they created in the presidency of the republic, in the command of the Guardia Nacional and in other high offices, substantial funds that were personally managed by the persons who held these posts and the control over which was beyond all possible verification.”

The study of what happened and what was done with these slush funds has been too much neglected until now, and today --- more than ever --- it’s necessary to conduct a deep review of them, taking into account that now a lot of the difficulties and legal obstacles that were imposed on us no longer exist. Moreover, the citizens have the right to know everything that has happened, everything that is happening and everything that will happen with public funds in all the central provincial or municipal governments, and with all of the organs of state as well, without exception.

However, little or nothing can be gained in the urgent task of uprooting the vice of the slush funds that with each passing day corrode the degrading and inefficient system that has been pressed into service under the banner of presidentialism. It is for this that the excessive concentration of power and privileges in certain persons --- call them president, attorney general or comptroller --- permits functions that affect the progress of society, which necessarily favor corruption and its great ally, impunity.

This is how, thanks to the absence of mechanisms and instruments of civic and institutional control over funds derived from the national treasury and the national bank, for example, just among the hands of 10 “chief executives” there passed more than $84 million. How many millions passed through the hands of the “commanders in chief” of the Guardia Nacional? How many millions passed through the hands of comptrollers, attorneys general and legislators during all those years?

These are grave questions whose answers require a true will for correction, after a truthful, independent and effective investigation.

In 1997 the Committee on Standards in Public Life published an interesting work under the title “The seven principles of public life,” with which, now that the subject of the distribution of slush funds is before us, it would be convenient for the citizenry to demand strict compliance:

1. Public interest: The public servant must act only in terms of the public interest and not do his or her job looking for material or economic benefits for self, family or friends.

2. Integrity: Public servants must not offer to receive economic or any other type of gifts from persons or organizations that may be looking to influence their decisions or official acts.

3. Objectivity: The public servant, in the exercise of his or her official functions, such as appointments or the adjudication of contracts, benefits or subsidies, must do so only on the basis of merit.

4. Responsibility: The public servant must respond politically for his or her decisions, acts and omissions before the citizenry, and must submit to appropriate scrutiny for his or her job.

5. Openness: The public servant must be as clear as possible with respect to all the decisions and actions he or she takes and must explain those that do not have a secret character.

6. Honesty: The public servant must declare all private interests that he or she has or could have, and with respect to his or her duties must do what is necessary to avoid a personal conflict that prejudices the public interest.

7. Leadership: These principles must be promoted by the public servant by his or her leadership and example.

Corruption is endemic in all forms of government, and this government must pay serious and critical attention to fight it as a real danger to the now decadent democracy in our Panama, without using it as a marketing tool to do away with its adversaries.



Also in this section:
Torrijos, Fighting corruption
Leis, The system behind the secret funds
Green, In order to deny fuel to Colombia's war...
Greenpeace, Progress in dealing with toxic ships
Silié, Caribbean migration and development
Evans, Change a la Uruguaya
Lerner, The Democrats' missing spirituality
Bernal, Discretionary funds and corruption
Jackson, To get downright animalistic about it

Back to top