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Part 1 of the Dems’ July debate: whole thing and reactions

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Part 1 of July’s debate, with notes and different Democrats’ takes

  


 

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Eric Jackson’s debate notes, night 1

Hickenlooper and Delaney go after the left in their opening statements.

I like Warren’s opening best. She, Bernie and Buttigieg right off the bat stood out from the others in the openings.

Buttigieg states the problem in starkly, perhaps alarmist, terms. He says that we can’t go back to the past. He doesn’t really say what ought to be done. Perhaps we will hear some specific ideas from him yet.

Delaney comes out swinging against Bernie on health care – really, in defense of the insurance companies – and then both Bernie and Elizabeth rise to defend Medicare for All. I LIKE these two ganging up.

Bullock “won’t support any plan that rips away quality health care from individuals.” As if the present system is high quality.

Ryan thinks that union members who lose their jobs would be better off with private health care once the companies cut that off, too?

“Republican talking points” – Warren mentioned them in responding to Delaney, Bernie blew off a Jake Tapper question as one of those, and then Buttigieg got into a rap about how fashioning Democrats’ discourse around what Republicans will say is foolish.

All good points. With Buttigieg, the question remains that if you don’t fashion what you say based on GOP responses, all well and good – but just what does he stand for?

Elizabeth sounded slightly garbled about now criminalized border crossings, but people could get that she wants to decriminalize and is against family separations.

Ryan makes a run at Sanders over Medicare for All, and Sanders handles it quite well.

Sanders also laid out the paradigm so well without talking any “isms” when Delaney renewed the attack – Delaney said that Sanders doesn’t understand the health care business and Sanders said it isn’t a business. WHAM!

Back to the border. Bernie and Elizabeth are for decriminalizing border crossing. Buttigieg tries to play it both ways, talking about criminal prosecution if there is fraud involved. But having dealt just a tiny bit with Border Patrol guys in Detroit way back when, they’re the most racist law enforcement agency I have seen and Buttigieg again just doesn’t get it about racism in America. Beto also tried to play it both ways, but with more humanity, nuance and knowledge than the mayor showed. Hickenlooper fell into one of these ‘all they do is bicker’ routines, which allowed him to, beyond saying he’s not into family separations and kids in cages, mostly duck the question.

Hickenlooper the scold, Sanders throws his hands up, and Hickenlooper scolds about that too. No damage to Bernie, IMO.

She didn’t call it that, but Warren unloaded on the red-baiters. When they bait her as too far left to win, look at where she is in the polls and where they are.

Bernie: “To win this election and to defeat Donald Trump — which by the way, in my view is not going to be easy — we need to have a campaign of energy and excitement and of vision. We need to bring millions of young people into the political process in a way that we have never seen by among other things, making public colleges and universities tuition free and canceling student debt.”

AH, CLIMATE CHANGE! Buttigieg notes the oft-cited UN report. But the change is here and perhaps the biggest question is what the candidates would do to adapt. And the one with the most comprehensive grand plan? It’s going to be a matter of collective thinking, much like the 1930s New Deal was. Leadership will matter more than detailed plans.

Delaney is against a Green New Deal and say he has a more “realistic” plan. Market based, no doubt.

“We can’t choose a candidate we don’t believe in just because we’re too scared to do anything else.” Another memorable line by Warren.

CNN lamely goes after Sanders about his claim that half of Americans live paycheck to paycheck. It is, of course, an imprecise claim but a demonstrable reality. Maybe not if your paycheck is from CNN.

Williamson gets into the Flint and Grosse Pointe comparison, CNN can’t spell the upscale neighborhood’s name right, and Williamson didn’t get into half of he viciousness of what was done to Flint and why. But she brought up the reality of environmental racism, which was a very important thing to do.

Williamson is the Grosse Pointe lady who upholds the necessity of the private insurance companies? Had she ever held public office to build up some goodwill, she might carry Michigan with that. But given who and what she is I expect it wouldn’t play with most Detroiters, or most Michigan primary voters.

The thing about civil vs criminal liability for border crossing and the relationship of that to family separations is real yet beside the point. Were it just a civil infraction Trump would do the same thing. The family separation issue and practices and attempted practices is a hydra-headed evil. As in, if there are to be impeachment investigation a deep and thorough public inquiry is called for.

Don’t think that Mayor Pete explained his record in a way that’s going to convince a lot of black voters.

Delaney wants to revive the TPP? That’s delusional. That goes right to the problem of the centrist argument that we can go back to what was. Even were it desirable, what was is broken and won’t be fixed. The way forward in the emerging paradigm is not a revived US-led economic empire, which is what TPP was about – a coercive US-led coalition against China that really didn’t do anything for Americans or the citizens of the other countries involved, just to block China.

Delaney goes after Warren over her proposed wealth tax. He loses it about fairness. She may or may not win much with her proposal, because tax laws are these messy compromises even at best. On the notion that the very rich don’t pay their share and should, especially among Democratic primary voters she win that point.

Warren goes after NAFTA 2.0. It’s likely to pass with almost all Republicans and a bunch of Democrats. She laid out good reasons why it should not pass. But after all these years things have changed and it’s not really possible to go back to the status quo ante that was there before NAFTA. (Which isn’t really what she’s advocating.)

Williamson is for reparations, which is a popular stand in Detroit. How practical is another question.

To recognize that forced labor is one of the cornerstones of any prosperity America has had is not a small part of understanding where the country is now, even if there are no living former slaves. Reparations for Jim Crow? One might ask what about reparations for stolen Native lands, and if the response is that there were treaties about it and that’s the only response it would be a lame answer. Reparations for violations of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in California? Another great injustice, which mostly does not apply to the current Hispanic communities of that state, who came later, or whose ancestors did. Was affirmative action “reparations” for any of that, and to the extent that it may have been, how does that get calculated into the equation? Questions like these are why there is no reparations bill before Congress, but only a proposal to study the question.

Beto also supports reparations, or rather the bill to study it. His defense of it was perhaps his best moment of the night.

WHAT?!?!? Elizabeth isn’t into going around the world threatening everyone with nukes? Will someone call her an anti-Semite or a communist or a wimp or something?

Sunset bill on war authorizations? Good idea, Pete. It would have required a re-authorization in World War II and the Civil War the way he says it. Such bills would have passed. The problem is wars without informed authorization in the first place.

Pete never was an antiwar activist. But being for withdrawal from Afghanistan keeps him among the options for a lot of antiwar Democrats.

Beto takes an even more forthright antiwar stand – get out of the wars we are in, don’t start new ones – and then Hickenlooper lays into him with a light at the end of the tunnel routine about Afghanistan. We really have not heard a systemic set of ideas about when to go to war or the basic principles of foreign policy from any of the candidates. Maybe that’s a calculation by all that it flies over the heads of most voters. But the old paradigms are gone and we need to have some discussion about the emerging new ones.

Buttigieg handled the age question perfectly.

Pete takes the safest possible way to disagree with the NRA.

Williamson, Sanders and Warren had reasonable closings. The rest didn’t. Pete was so very enthusiastic about nothing in particular. Most of the rest talked about how divisiveness is the big problem, as if they are going to go back to 20th century comity with the current crew of Republicans.

Takeaways? No significant movements — up or down, to or from — between the top tier and the lower tier. Let’s see what the polls indicate about the relative performances of Warren, Sanders and Buttigieg and whether or not my basic assessment is in line with other Democrats’ thinking.

 

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Panama amphibians photo contest / Concurso de fotos de anfibios de Panamá

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Red-eyed tree frog (Agalychnis callidryas). Photo by Prachi Dadhich.

The Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute invites you to participate in a photo contest:

THE AMPHIBIANS OF PANAMA

Competition rules:

To celebrate the Panama Golden Frog Festival, and with the desire to raise awareness about the environment, the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute invites those over 15 years of age to participate in a photo contest on the amphibians in Panama. We will select the he 30 best photos, which we will exhibit at the Punta Culebra Nature Center.

There will be prizes for the first three places:

1st Prize: a guided tour for two people to Isla Barro Colorado

2nd Prize: a guided visit for two people to the Punta Culebra Nature Center

3rd Prize: a guided visit for two people to the Panama Amphibian Rescue and Conservation Project

Registration deadline and to send the photographs: Monday, August 12

Requirements to participate:
That the photograph of the amphibian be taken in the Republic of Panama; It can be any species of frog or toad.

Mandatory:
Digital photography size 8×10 at 300dpi.

Send the photo to STRINews@si.edu with the following information:
• Title and brief review of the photograph
• Name of the author of the photograph
• Place where the picture was taken
• Date the picture was taken

If you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us.

Regards,

Martha Messia
Logistics Coordinator
Punta Culebra Nature Center
Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute
Tel. (507) 212-8793
(202) 633-4700 x28793 (USA)
E-mail: puntaculebra@si.edu
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/PuntaCulebra
Twitter: @SmithsonianPanama
@PuntaCulebra
#spike snake
http://stri.si.edu/es
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qJEqSzoGcrc

 

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Editorial: Beach Blanket Bunko?

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beach
At low tide a fringe of beach is visible. At high tide the waves are crashing against the sea wall. Graphic by the Alcaldia.

Beach Blanket Bunko?

Uh huh. Panama becomes a resort town, by shipping in sand and spreading it out in front of the eastern end of the Cinta Costera to make an artificial beach.

Instinctively, anyone with a functioning sense of smell who has walked across the bridge at the foot of the Matasnillo River would have sniffed the olfactory alarm. Over the years there has been a palpable reduction of that pollution, but it’s still horrible. The ill-advised public park on the Paitilla side of that river’s mouth – a face-saving measure in the wake of a Martinelli regime land grab scheme – has for its gross location never had all that much use.

The stuff that is poured into Panama Bay, however, can be controlled. For the last two decades a lot of money has been spent trying to do that, with some improvement in Panama Bay’s water quality. It’s mostly a matter of fielding a lot of inspectors and vesting them with the power to enforce already existing regulations. Often that has not been done when the polluters are sufficiently rich or politically connected. Perhaps a beach would create an interest that overrides those of the owners of buildings with improper sewage connections into storm drains, those who dispose of restaurants’ used deep fryer grease into drains when they think nobody is looking and so on.

But the sciences and technologies that are not as well known go under the heading of climate change. We know it’s happening, we know that it has been a trend for decades now, but we don’t know how fast it will go or how severe it will get. We do know that mean sea levels are slowly but steadily rising worldwide, that sea swells and the highest high tides are bringing the ocean farther inland that what used to be the high water marks all along our Pacific Side. We know that polar ice is melting, and hear warnings of big chunks that could suddenly break off and slide into the sea, causing rather immediate and significant sea level rises.

It appears that City Hall is trying to sell yet another urban development plan that’s predicated on climate change denial. This one needs to go back to the drawing board, with credible scientific consultation, public hearings and civil engineering by other than the sand haulers’ rented experts.

If President Cortizo’s promise to reform public contracting is serious, then perhaps this could be an important test. Yes, the writing of specifications with “the name and surname” of the intended bidding winner is a known quantity, as are the conflicts of interests among those who evaluate bids. So is outright bribery. But another major public contracting abuse is the boondoggle project that’s for the benefit of the construction industry rather than any public use. The Cinta Costera beach proposal has the look and smell of one of those.

  

FLH


Bear in mind…

  

There are no right answers to wrong questions.

Ursula K. Le Guin

 

The one function TV news performs very well is that when there is no news we give it to you with the same emphasis as if there were.

David Brinkley

 

All created things are impermanent. Strive on with diligence.

Siddhartha Guatama, the Buddha
said to be his last words

 

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Aprende la fotografía cinematográfica

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film
Foto por GECU.

Taller de fotografía cinematográfica ofrecerá el GECU en agosto

por Roberto Enrique King – GECU

Siguiendo con su programa de talleres que busca incentivar la capacitación y actualización continua del sector cinematográfico de Panamá, el Centro de Formación y Capacitación Cinematográfica del GECU de la Universidad de Panamá, invita a participar en el Taller de Fotografía Cinematográfica que impartirá del 26 al 30 de agosto el especialista argentino Ivan Gierasinchuk, quien compartirá con los participantes sus conocimientos y experticia acerca del quehacer del director de fotografía.

El taller se realizará en las instalaciones del Estudio Multiuso del GECU, en horarios de 9 a 5 p.m y se centrará en brindar los conocimientos teóricos y prácticos de la narrativa cinematográfica desde el punto de vista del director de fotografía en las diferentes etapas y procesos de la creación, usando los elementos propios del oficio. La metodología del curso será de carácter teórico-práctico, con importante participación de los inscritos. La matrícula tendrá un valor de $ 200 dólares, para mayor información contactar a: formaciongecu@gmail.com / 69843448 / www.gecupanama.com

Ivan Gierasinchuk (Argentina)

Estudió diversas facetas del arte, antes de realizar sus estudios audiovisuales en la carrera de Diseño de Imagen y Sonido en la Universidad de Buenos Aires, posteriormente se especializó en Dirección de Fotografía en esta misma universidad..

Desde 2003 pertenece a la ADF (Asociación de Autores de Fotografía Cinematográfica Argentina) y a partir de 2008 funge como Secretario General de esta hasta 2016. Es docente en la Escuela Internacional de Cine y Televisión de San Antonio de los Baños, Cuba, la escuela de CONGO film school en Bogotá y en la FADU (UBA).

Como Director de Fotografía ha trabajado en numerosos largometrajes de ficción y documentales tales como Los Sonámbulos de Paula Hernández (2019), Ciego (2018) de Fernando Zuber, Joel (2017) de Carlos Sorín, Paisaje (2017) de Jimena Blanco, Eva No Duerme de Pablo Agüero (2017) Mi padre, Perón y yo (2017) de Blas Eloy Martínez, Chicha tu madre (2006) y Diamond Santoro y la soga de los muertos (2013) de Gianfranco Quattrini, Alfonsina (2013) de Christopher Kuhn, Infancia clandestina (2012) de Benjamín Ávila, entre otros. También posee una amplia experiencia en videoclips, trabajando para artistas como Luis Alberto Spinetta, Catupecu Machu, Me darás mil hijos, La mancha de Rolando, Carajo, Érica García, Bersuit Vergarabat, Brian Storming, Emmanuel Horvilleur, Eruca Sativa, entre otros.

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#BenicioRenuncia — maybe everything ISN’T under control

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take him away

Old games, some trying to write new rules

by Eric Jackson

If you are a member of Panama’s National Assembly, you can generally kill somebody, or use your official vehicle to smuggle drugs, and pay no legal consequences. Those things have happened under the current arrangements.

On December 27, 2017, Cambio Democratico legislator Mario Lazarus ran over and killed 14-year-old Ruth Parreño, who was waiting for a bus at a stop on the Transistmica in the Colon corregimiento of Buena Vista that was part of the circuit he represented. Lazarus drove away from the scene, and later returned.

Creating that disconnect between the death and the driver’s reappearance, however, had an effect that would not apply to an ordinary person. Members of the National Assembly, and various other public officials, are protected by the Summary Proof Rule. Under that legal doctrine – if one wants to glorify it as such – a criminal complaint against a legislator can only proceed if there is complete and admissible proof that a crime was committed and that she or he committed it. Lacking such proof, there can be no investigation. But if someone investigated and compiled such proof as to attach to the complaint, that was an illegal investigation and that bars any proceeding, including a proper investigation. But there is an exception for that if somebody is caught flagrantly in the act.

So the cop is called to the scene of a fatally injured girl at a bus stop, an important muckety muck with blood on his car and alcohol on his breath is there as well, and it might be said that the driver was caught in the act and no matter the high and mighty position the cop can proceed as with anyone else. But missing the driver, who comes back a few minutes later after the girl has been taken to the hospital where she died, and taking a breathalyzer test or examining the car would be an investigation without proper judicial authorization to begin. Doing such basic evidence collection would preclude any investigation in the future. So the police, without having had the opportunity to gather all the relevant facts, referred what little they did have to the Supreme Court, which has exclusive jurisdiction over criminal matters involving legislators.

About a month later Supreme Court magistrate Angela Russo showed up at the accident scene for a reconstruction, and the girl’s family was there, holding placards demanding justice. Lazarus said it was dark and everything happened so fast and he didn’t really remember. He brought along a crowd of rent-a-protesters that outnumbered the family at least two-to-one, carrying placards about how it’s a sin to hate. Say what? See, Lazarus is a member of Ricky Martinelli’s kleptocratic Cambio Democratico party, of the faction that puts on airs about being born-again Christians.

In the end, Lazarus made a financial settlement with the family, the high court said that was good enough and a hit-and-run killer got away with it due to his special privileged position. Not entirely, though. His fellow party members figuring that he was a loser, Lazarus quit Cambio Democratico to run for re-election on the MOLIRENA ticket, that is, in the 2019 elections as a ally of the PRD. The hateful infidels of Colon’s Circuit 3-1 voted the guy out of office.

A lot of other deputies who stole over the past five years, however, are back in the new legislature. Bocas del Toro deputy Benicio Robinson, a National Assembly veteran and leading member of the PRD, also heads FEDEBEIS, the national baseball federation that’s part of the Panamanian Sports Institute (PANDEPORTES) and the Panamanian Olympic Committee (COP). Almost all of the sports federations, and thus the COP, are controlled by politicians. In the legislature there are claims that money for sports programs in the circuits come from PANDEPORTES and are distributed through the deputies’ offices.

Like the money allocated via FEDBEIS for a baseball league in Guna Yala that doesn’t exist. Like the purchases of bats for $354.80 each, except when audited by the Comptroller General no trace could be found that the bats ever existed. (All they found was a paper trail of money transfers.) Like the $100,000 for xenophobe firebrand Zulay Rodríguez, whose sports program never actually existed except for money that passed through it, in the names of close aides as administrators of a program that never was. And on and on and on – more than $400 million went through the legislators’ offices in the past five years and relatively little of it was accounted for in any sort of a credible way.

The comptroller has a constitutional mandate to audit all expenditures of public funds, but if he or she finds theft it becomes a matter for prosecutors, in the case of ordinary people referred to the regular ones of the Public Ministry, in the case of legislators referred to the Supreme Court. In the ordinary course of things, the investigation may involve both those with the special privileges and those without, but as soon as a deputy’s name comes up the Attorney General sends that file to the Supreme Court without taking any action on it.

Change of government time, and all of the detectives with the Department of Judicial Investigations who are working on PANDEPORTES case are removed from their posts. By a pro-corruption 2007 law, DIJ agents investigating public corruption are prohibited from telling anyone other than prosecutors about such work – INCLUDING another DIJ agent who gets put onto the case. Attorney General Kenia Porcell says that by removing the DIJ officers from the investigations of the PANDEPORTES heist, deputies Robinson, Rodríguez et al beat the rap on procedural grounds.

Meanwhile, the legislators are making noises about removing Comptroller General Federico Humbert and Attorney General Kenia Porcell. But those are legislative appointees who would have to be charged and tried by the Supreme Court, not the National Assembly. Once removed, they could be replaced by pliant crooks whose marching orders would be not to audit and not to investigate.

So, move along, folks. Nothing happening here. So it is hoped, and so history might indicate the finding will be.

However, with no legal leverage of which to speak, there is an online groundswell building. Although it’s about a system and most of the legislators, it takes its focus on Benicio Robinson. The hashtag is #BenicioRenuncia and those who have started to use it take heart from a similarly hopeless and mocked lost cause, the relatively peaceful uprising that recently forced the resignation of Puerto Rico’s governor.

Stay tuned.

 


 

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La propuesta actual para reformar a la constitución

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Toque aquí para ver la propuesta en el formato PDF

Al fin, la decisión sería por
el electorado de Panamá

Este es el conjunto propuesto de cambios constitucionales que se presentó a la legislatura. Comenzó con grupos empresariales y se transmitió a través de la llamada “Concertación Nacional” que en realidad no representaba a nadie más que a los pocos sectores empresariales y políticos partidistas habituales. Luego, un comité de redacción realizó cambios de estilo antes de que pasara a través de la administración de Cortizo a la Asamblea Nacional. El plan establecido es que la legislatura lo discuta y lo modifique, apruebe su versión definitiva antes de que finalice la sesión legislativa a fines de octubre y luego vuelva a aprobarlo en la próxima sesión legislativa que comenzará el próximo enero. La propuesta final se presentaría a los votantes para su aprobación o rechazo en un referéndum.

En este momento, la Comisión de Gobierno, Justicia y Asuntos Constitucionales de la Asamblea Nacional está debatiendo el borrador de cambios constitucionales de 58 páginas y se está moviendo para eliminar la parte sobre los límites de mandato para los legisladores. También se espera que se intenten enmendar las enmiendas para proteger a la legislatura de todas las auditorías y cualquier responsabilidad de sus miembros por actos de corrupción.

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¿Wappin? Internacional, como Panamá

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lewd pulsating jungle rhythms
Foto del archivo por Eric Jackson.

Nuestra cultura es internacional y lo seguirá siendo
Our culture is international and will remain so

Eric Burdon – We Love You Lil
https://youtu.be/GH0lxuoqEoM

Mike & the Mechanics – Silent Running
https://youtu.be/Ddi2TBnzdPo

Kafu Banton – Cuando se viene de abajo
https://youtu.be/o6VGdIU8FfI

Residente & Bad Bunny – Bellacoso
https://youtu.be/46rJ4y2kdow

Los Rakas – La Ley de Duende
https://youtu.be/PdcrZRXfJFQ

Kany García & Natalia Lafourcade – Remamos
https://youtu.be/hug1NLbLymM

Cyndi Lauper – True Colors
https://youtu.be/94DZvLlwGjM

Alicia Keys – People Get Ready
https://youtu.be/CB8yBwmHF_8

Jenni Rivera – Aparentemente Bien
https://youtu.be/tq9mgTRQM8k

Melissa Aldana – Turning
https://youtu.be/6whqB_JYzHA

Flora Purim – Open Your Eyes You Can Fly
https://youtu.be/jvMO-73Rw4k

Hiromi & Edmar Castañeda – The Elements: Fire
https://youtu.be/JiBeeM0gg9g

Rómulo Castro, Yomira John & Grupo Tuira – Como Bien de Amor
https://youtu.be/sT8CkZy4qCA

Carlos Santana – Samba Pa Ti
https://youtu.be/j5AUm_xaE9A

Slow Blues Compilation
https://youtu.be/pbPy9NT9W6Q

 
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Zulay moves to restrict foreign music on local radio

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When Canada passed a 30% Canadian content law for its music radio stations, perhaps the most noteworthy casualty was CKLW, the powerhouse station in Windsor, Ontario that would bounce its signal off of the Detroit River and reach much of the US Great Lakes region. Another casualty was racially integrated culture across the river in the Detroit area. Windsor and environs had and has a small and relatively prosperous black community, going back to the days of escaped slaves crossing the border with the help of the Underground Railroad and setting up farms in Southern Ontario. But Windsor’s a mainly white city, across from mainly black Detroit albeit a mostly white metro area. CKLW, rejecting US segregation, would play both rock and roll and soul music. It led other stations in the Detroit area to do likewise. After CKLW’s demise, Detroit area radio soon broke down into black stations and white stations, with few crossings of the color line. Also destroyed with CKLW was the career of one of North America’s few female music station program directors, renowned hitmaker Rosalie Trombley.

Move to make Panamanian music radio 75% Panamanian content

by Eric Jackson

Get rid of those scruffy Mexicans and Colombians and Jamaicans and Brits. Don’t want to hear stuff live from Latin America’s great music festivals, let along Glastonbury. The saxophone sounds of Danilo Pérez’s Chilean-born American wife Patricia Zarate de Pérez would not be very welcome on the radio here. Cumbia, tamborito and decima stations would survive, perhaps. Under Zulay Rodríguez’s proposed law 32, three-quarters of all songs aired on Panamanian radio would have to be by Panamanians. Gerry D. would have to revise his talk show’s musical interludes.

The Nazis tried something like that, with some success within Germany. Gustav Mahler’s stuff disappeared from the German classical scene during the Third Reich. No music by Jews or other denigrated races allowed. In occupied Europe there was less success. In Paris they never quite wiped out jazz, although they did send the cops out to enforce rules against sax players swaying while they played. The Gestapo never got around to sending Django Reinhardt, that Roma jazz composer and guitarist with a injured hand, to the death camps. Ernest Hemingway liberated the Ritz before that task was completed. One more bit of inefficiency to infuriate Der Fuhrer.

Nazi Germany’s BIG defeat on the musical front was that, while their radio had some quality classical stuff and Lane Andersen’s big hit Lili Marleen, it was boring and when sure they were out of stormtroopers’ earshot millions of Europeans would tune into BBC. The music is better when there is freedom and there aren’t racist / xenophobic / nationalistic bans and quotas. Part of The Resistance was music.

The deputy promises that Panamanian musicians will get more work under her proposed quota. Probably the reverse is true. There would be much less cultural tourism and as international bands steered clear of a hateful little musical backwater there would be fewer gigs for Panamanian warm-up acts, too.

Of course, Panama’s radio station owners are already coordinating their opposition to Zulay’s proposal. Were it not largely sold to foreigners now, the once more powerful ad agency cartel would be flexing its muscles against proposal 32 as well. Even as branches of foreign companies, look for these businesses to complain as best they can.

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Zulay screeches against foreigners. Adapted from a National Assembly image.
 

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Gandásegui, Cortizo y la educación

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comarca
Escuela en la Comarca Ngäbe-Buglé. Foto por Noticias AEVe.

Una ‘estrella’ en el programa
de Cortizo: La educación

por Marco A. Gandásegui, hijo

Cada vez se hace más urgente una reforma del sistema educativo panameño. Estoy repitiendo lo que se viene diciendo desde hace medio siglo. Los portadores del mensaje han sido enfáticos en sus planteamientos, pero no han logrado traducir su objetivo en un plan que cuente con el apoyo político necesario. Queremos explicar el porqué y sugerir algunas opciones para lograr que el país logre tener – por lo menos – una propuesta viable de reforma educativa. Lo trataremos de hacer en dos entregas sucesivas. Esta es la primera.

Cuando se habla de un sistema educativo de un país no es lo mismo que la sumatoria de todos los proyectos individuales de educación. Todavía más complejo, un plan – o un proyecto – de reforma educativa tiene que tener un objetivo, una estrategia y un grupo social que encabece la estrategia para alcanzar el objetivo. Es común que se hable de reformas educativas planteando numerosos problemas que van desde la falta de un presupuesto, el deterioro de los planteles, pasando por la formación y salarios de los educadores.

Para abordar estos problemas y otros, hay que definir por qué y para qué queremos un sistema educativo. Además, cómo queremos que funcione y para quién. ¿Estamos todos de acuerdo para qué queremos un sistema educativo nacional? Muchos dicen que no tiene que ser nacional (lo separan en oficial y privado, religioso o laico) y algunos señalan que debe ser selectivo (los que hacen mérito o para quienes pueden pagar) y otros incluyente (universal).

El para qué la educación divide a todos. Generalmente, las diferencias aparecen reflejando los intereses de grupo (clase) social. Casi en todas partes, sin distinción de niveles de desarrollo social o crecimiento económico, cada grupo social tiene su propio proyecto educativo y lo plantea en forma enérgica pero sin confesar su interés sectorial (de clase). La educación responde a un proceso social que evoluciona a lo largo de la historia. El grupo social más fuerte impone su proyecto. Durante la colonia americana, la Corona respondía a un pacto entre los nobles (guerreros terratenientes o cortesanos) y la Iglesia (ideólogos terratenientes). La educación se reducía a los intereses de estos dos grupos. Cuando Panamá se separó de Colombia en 1903, los ‘blancos capitalinos’ descubrieron que no tenían la gente (los cuadros) para dirigir la República recién nacida. En su discurso inaugural del Instituto Nacional en 1908, Eusebio Morales dijo que se creaba el plantel para formar los futuros dirigentes del país. Propuso una reforma educativa radical a nombre de los rentistas que dominaban el país. Con el paso de los años y el inicio de un proceso de industrialización en la década de 1930, los cambios demandan trabajadores tanto en el sector privado como el público. Se intentó introducir reformas sin mucho éxito. El sistema se partió entre público y privado (la educación regentada por religiosos tomó la delantera).

En la década de 1940 el sistema hizo crisis al crecer sin una dirección. Ya no era para formar cuadros como dijera Morales. ¿Entonces para que servía el sistema educativo? Las respuestas eran vagas y, sobre todo, emotivas. Las calles se convirtieron en los centros de debate. Las capas medias exigían su inclusión e identificaban la educación como la escalera para el ascenso social. En las siguientes dos décadas (1950 y 1960), con los liberales en el poder, la confusión rayaba con el caos. Se crearon cada vez más escuelas, pero el país no les daba espacio a los nuevos técnicos y profesionales. El golpe militar de 1968 respondió a ese desorden producto de una dirección política sin proyecto de nación y con un sistema educativo que ya había colapsado.

Los militares crearon una comisión para reformar el sistema educativo que se enfrentó a una oposición feroz. Algunos dicen que la oposición a la propuesta era porque venía de un gobierno controlado por los cuarteles. La tesis que propongo es otra: La reforma pretendía ser incluyente y los sectores sociales que todavía controlaban el debate en las calles se oponían. El gobierno militar no fue capaz de ganar la batalla ideológica en las calles. Un sector muy combativo de las capas medias que se sentía excluida, la orientación ideológica de la Iglesia y los recursos económicos de los sectores conservadores de la clase rentista se unieron para derrotar la reforma.

Repasamos la historia de la educación en Panamá. Fue un pantallazo muy rápido del pasado cuyo objetivo era introducirnos al presente. A su vez, nos sirve para proyectarnos hacia el futuro. Vivimos en un presente que nos legaron nuestros padres. Pero sí podemos construir la sociedad que queremos pensando en el futuro. El actor central puede ser un grupo social, una combinación de grupos o todos. Muy difícil que sea uno sólo o todos juntos. Más probable es que sea una alianza entre diferentes grupos que se unen para acometer la tarea de construir esa sociedad que queremos.

No tenemos la respuesta a la pregunta sobre cómo será esa sociedad que construiremos. Lo que si podemos afirmar con seguridad es que un instrumento fundamental en esa construcción es la educación. En nuestra historia vimos que cualquier proyecto de educación nacional responde a los intereses de uno o varios grupos sociales. La invasión militar norteamericana de 1989 impuso sobre el país un modelo económico que lleva el nombre de neoliberal. El modelo subordina todas las actividades – tanto económicas o culturales – a la lógica de quienes se creen dueños del país. Los neoliberales la llaman – sin razón – la ‘lógica del mercado’.

Los neoliberales modificaron las leyes que rigen las relaciones sociales entre los panameños (desregularon las reglas, privatizaron las empresas públicas y flexibilizaron las relaciones laborales). En el campo de la educación, los más radicales propusieron su privatización. Esto era imposible por el costo financiero que implicaba. En otros países (EEUU, entre otros) se consideró y se sigue barajando una alternativa educativa ‘público – privada’. Es decir, el gobierno pone todos los recursos y la empresa privada los administra. Igualmente, la empresa privada se queda con las ganancias de la inversión pública.

Este sistema ha sido muy resistido por razones obvias. En primer lugar, si el administrador no genera una ganancia para el dueño, se cierra la escuela. Segundo, el sistema no tiene un proyecto ni visión de futuro. Los empresarios agrupados en sus gremios ven con buenos ojos esta propuesta porque les anuncia un camino fácil para generar ganancias. El empresario privilegia su ganancia sobre todo lo demás. Para él es lo correcto. Pero ¿dónde quedan los estudiantes, la escuela y el futuro del país? Quedan tal como nos dicen los documentos y estadísticas del gobierno: Jóvenes ‘ni-ni’, planteles colapsados y un futuro incierto.

Los panameños tenemos los recursos de sobra para levantar un sistema educativo que nos permita atender las demandas de nuestros niños y jóvenes. Podemos construir los mejores planteles con todos los adelantos técnicos. Sólo tenemos que contestar la pregunta ¿para qué?

En la actualidad, existen tres proyectos de reforma educativa que circulan a puertas cerradas: La primera es la del uno por ciento de los panameños. Este minúsculo sector propone la iniciativa ‘público privado’. Otro sector, el 40 por ciento de los panameños, quieren un sistema que les garantice a sus hijos acceso a la escalera del ascenso social. Los restantes, casi el 60 por ciento, han sido rechazados por el sistema y tenemos que reintegrarlos a la escuela.

El sistema educativo tiene que preparar a la juventud para una vida productiva e innovadora. No podemos discriminar por sexo, etnia, ni por condición económica. El primer día de clase del niño en kindergarten debe probar su ingenio para solucionar problemas. La vida es una pista llena de obstáculos cambiantes, cada vez más difíciles, para los cuales tenemos que estar preparados. La escuela – primaria, secundaria y superior – tiene que darnos los instrumentos para iniciar esa vida que nos exigirá permanentemente seguir escalando. El sistema también tiene que darnos los medios para saber dirigir, para ser líderes, comenzando en la escuela y siguiendo en la vida productiva. El liderazgo es una cualidad que el sistema educativo tiene que darle al joven. Se fijan metas y se trasmiten valores: La lectura, la destreza mental y física, la competencia, la solidaridad.

Hay áreas básicas que difícilmente cambiarán como las matemáticas y el español. Igualmente, la ciencia y las humanidades. Hay retos técnicos. Hace cien años era la electricidad, hace medio siglo la revolución audio visual, hoy estamos en la era digital. Mañana estaremos enfrentado otros retos. Nuestro sistema educativo tiene que formar a quienes estarán en la vanguardia de los cambios e innovaciones. Para eso debe servir el sistema educativo panameño.

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IMF staff confirms Panama slowdown

0
slow times
Not just annual dog days. Panama’s economy is slow.
Archive photo by Eric Jackson.

IMF staff concludes visit to Panama

by the International Monetary Fund

A staff team of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), led by Alejandro Santos, visited Panama during July 17-23, 2019, invited by the Panamanian authorities. At the end of the visit Mr. Santos issued the following statement:

“While Panama remains among the most dynamic economies in Latin America, the economic recovery has been slower than anticipated. Real GDP grew at an annual rate of 3.1 percent in the first quarter of 2019 (compared to 4 percent in the same period of last year), due to a softening in construction and services. More recent data point to a continuation of a sluggish recovery, leading us to revise down our growth projection for 2019 to 5 percent (from 6 percent estimated in our February visit). Panama’s fundamentals remain solid, with the economy expected to recover and converge to its potential growth of 5½ percent by next year, and inflation edging up to 2 percent over the medium-term. The banking system remains well-capitalized and liquid with low non-performing loans. The external position will continue strengthening over the medium term. The balance of risks to the outlook is tilted to the downside, related to fears of rising trade protectionism, weaker global outlook, and potential pressure on banks’ correspondent relations.

“Preliminary data indicate a decline in fiscal revenues and an acceleration in the implementation of budgetary spending, leading to a fiscal deficit in the first half of the year above the 2 percent of GDP limit established by the fiscal rule for the whole year. In addition, sizable arrears accumulated to suppliers and banks which need to be cleared. The authorities estimate that in the absence of corrective measures, the fiscal deficit could reach almost 4 percent of GDP in 2019. The authorities are committed to corrective measures but fear that a rapid pace of implementation could weaken the ongoing recovery further. Against that background, the authorities expect to reduce the fiscal deficit by over 2 percent of GDP in the next two years, allowing them to observe the deficit limit under the fiscal responsibility law of 1¾ percent of GDP by 2021.

“In June 2019, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed Panama on the list of countries with strategic deficiencies on its anti-money laundering framework. Despite recent progress on financial integrity, including the recognition of tax evasion as a predicate offense to money laundering, the legal framework needs to be further strengthened and its effectiveness needs to be demonstrated. The authorities are fully committed to implementing the recommendations of the action plan agreed with the FATF and aim to be out of this list as soon as it is possible. Sustained efforts to enhance the anti-money laundering framework and tax transparency will be crucial to strengthen Panama’s position as a regional financial center.

“Sustaining inclusive growth over the medium term will require reinforcing the structural reform agenda, especially in education, social security and public health services. Further improvements in fiscal revenues and stricter expenditure controls will be required to improve macroeconomic management, create the necessary fiscal space to cover the cost of future reforms, and strengthen fiscal discipline. We encourage the authorities to upgrade the statistical framework to facilitate sound economic decision making at all levels of government.”

 

The mission is grateful to the authorities for their kind hospitality, excellent cooperation and open discussions.

 

[End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. This mission will not result in a Board discussion.]

 

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