photo and note copyright Kermit Nourse / foto y nota derechos del autor Kermit Nourse
The birdman is back and today’s bird from Panama is the Royal Tern, a sea bird found throughout the world. This one was photographed offshore from Panama’s western province of Chiriqui. When the tern reaches non breeding plumage, his cap and crown will be mostly white. Right now, he looks like the pointy haired boss from the Dilbert cartoon.
El birdman está de vuelta y la ave de hoy de Panamá es el Gavotín Real, también conocido como el Charrán Real. Es un ave marina encontrada en todo el mundo. Éste fue fotografiado costa afuera de la provincia occidental de Panamá de Chiriqui. Cuando el pájaro alcance el plumaje no criador, su gorra y corona serán generalmente blancas. Ahora mismo, parece al jefe pelo pointy del dibujo animado de Dilbert.
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A new study calculates that, worldwide, mangroves were storing 4.19 billion metric tons of carbon in 2012, representing a 2 percent loss since 2000. It estimates that number had dropped further to 4.16 billion metric tons by 2017.
In total, the study estimates that this lost carbon translates to as much as 317 million tons of CO2 emissions per year, equivalent to the annual emissions of around 67.5 million passenger vehicles in the United States and more than the 2015 emissions of Poland.
The researchers found Indonesia harbors the lion’s share of the world’s mangroves — around 30 percent — while also experiencing the biggest proportion of its 2000-2012 mangrove carbon loss, with deforestation there accounting for more than 48 percent of the global total. Other parts of Southeast Asia, such as Myanmar, are also undergoing high rates of mangrove deforestation, making the entire region a hotspot of global mangrove carbon loss.
Previous research estimates that between 30 and 50 percent of the world’s mangroves have been lost over the past 50 years. Deforestation for shrimp, rice and palm oil are among the biggest drivers of mangrove decline.
Seemingly nondescript messes of tangled branches and exposed roots, mangrove forests cling to the coasts of many tropical countries. However, mangroves are far from unexceptional, providing critical ecosystem services like erosion control, flood mitigation and nurseries for fish. Mangroves also store a lot of carbon, with a hectare of mangrove forest sequestering up to four times as much carbon as a similarly sized tract of rainforest.
But mangroves are in trouble. Studies estimate between 30 and 50 percent of the world’s mangroves have been lost over the past 50 years as they are deforested for shrimp, rice and palm oil production, drowned by rising seas, and starved of freshwater by dam-building. And as mangroves disappear, so do their wildlife communities and carbon stores.
But just how much carbon do mangroves contain, and how much is being lost to their deforestation? To find out, researchers at Salisbury University in the United States. and National University of Singapore analyzed the carbon content of mangrove vegetation as well as the soil underneath it. Their results were published recently in Nature Climate Change.
They discovered that, worldwide, mangroves were storing 4.19 billion metric tons of carbon in 2012. Most of this carbon — 70 percent — is locked up in the soil underlying mangroves while the remainder is contained within their living vegetation. The study lists Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea as the world’s top mangrove carbon storehouses, comprising more than half of the total amount of global mangrove carbon.
While 4.19 billion metric tons may sound like a lot of carbon, the researchers found that it’s about 2 percent less than the amount stored 12 years prior in 2000. In total, they estimate that this lost carbon translates to as much as 317 million tons of CO2 emissions per year. For perspective, this is equivalent to the annual emissions of around 67.5 million passenger vehicles in the USA, according to EPA numbers, and more than the 2015 emissions of Poland, according to the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency.
The researchers found that, globally, mangrove carbon losses were similar year-to-year between 2000 and 2012. They estimate that if mangrove deforestation rates continued at a similar rate after 2012, then by 2017 mangrove carbon should have dropped a further third of a percent to 4.16 billion metric tons.
In addition to estimating how much carbon mangrove deforestation released, the study also looked at the impact of this activity on the mangroves’ overall carbon-sequestering ability. They found that had no mangroves been deforested between 2000 and 2012, then they likely would have taken an additional 3.5 million to 4.5 million metric tons of carbon out of the atmosphere.
Zooming in, the study found Indonesia harbors the lion’s share of the world’s mangroves — around 30 percent — while also experiencing the biggest proportion of its 2000-2012 mangrove carbon loss, with deforestation there accounting for more than 48 percent of the global total. Other parts of Southeast Asia, such as Myanmar, are also undergoing high rates of mangrove deforestation, making the entire region a hotspot of global mangrove carbon loss.
The researchers write that as disappearing carbon storage powerhouses, “mangroves are strong candidates for inclusion in nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and payments for ecosystem services (PES) programs that financially incentivize the conservation of forested carbon stocks.”
However, they say that the emissions inventories and monitoring that are used to determine PES compliance require high-quality datasets that exceed their study’s 13-year period. To fill this gap, the researchers recommend more analyses of mangrove carbon stocks and losses, both to establish baselines further back in time — which, they write, are widely lacking for many tropical countries — as well as modeling what may happen in the future.
Citation: Hamilton, S. E., & Friess, D. A. (2018). Global carbon stocks and potential emissions due to mangrove deforestation from 2000 to 2012. Nature Climate Change, 1.
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The religious right’s scorn for most Panamanian families is undisguised. One of their ads.
Save which families?
Olmedo Beluche, the leftist sociology professor at the University of Panama, took a peek at 2010 census records to shed some light on the “family values” debate, wherein religious groups argue that if same-sex couples are allowed to marry then the traditional family will be destroyed. But what traditions, and which families?
Where there are great fortunes to be inherited or perhaps litigated, it often makes sense to have relationship clearly spelled out in writing and registered with church and state. Weddings are also an important business for religious denominations, but we can only speculate about what gay and lesbian weddings might do to the business of those institutions spearheading the movement against marriage equality.
But really, what it the tradition in Panama, and across much of Latin America? It’s that for most people church weddings are too expensive. It’s that relationships will form, then last or break up, without permission of church or state.
In the 2010 census, mothers between 15 and 49 were categorized by marital status. There were 61.9 percent living in cohabiting with men with whom they were not formally married. Those formally married accounted for 18.7 percent. The next largest group were those who had either been married or in a live-in relationship but were at the time of the census separated, another 12 percent. Single mothers who had never been in a marriage or cohabitation arrangement, amounted to 6.8 percent. Divorced women were only three-tenths of a percent. Were the remaining .3 percent the widows with children of child-bearing age?
In any case, there you see it — a movement alleging to defend somebody, a relatively small minority that’s disproportionately wealthy and disproportionately fervent about religion. A movement playing hate cards and preparing to jump back into electoral politics after some years without a specific direct presence, in hope of winning a few seats in the National Assembly and playing the squalid political patronage games that minor party politics are about in Panama.
Kremlin photo.
Were there federal recall elections in the USA…
The US Constitution does not provide for a recall election in the case of an unfit federal elected official. The ordinary criminal law does apply, and there is the extraordinary option of impeachment which has never passed on the floor of the US Senate but once did force a president’s resignation to avoid it.
In the case of a party that passes tax legislation that loots the government and gives to the ultra-rich, the solution is political: throw those people out. In the case of a president who got to where he is by disloyally soliciting the intervention of a rival foreign power, with an in-family staff that has played the public positions for private financial gain from foreign governments, the solution is the same, but by two steps: hobble him by removing his supporters from the Congress, then at next opportunity vote him out of the White House. That’s how the American system works.
US citizens living abroad can generally vote by absentee ballot a the last place where they lived in the USA. By federal law voter registration by asking those places for a ballot must happen every year. There is a confusing patchwork of state voting laws, with ever more effort to suppress the votes on racial, ethnic, economic, geographic or age or other bases so as to favor Republicans. But generally American citizens living abroad can vote, and the earlier they request ballots the more time they will have to counter any vote suppression tactics.
Making it easier, there are three online services that you can go to for all the information and forms, in many states with the ability to order your ballot and register online.
The oldest, the Federal Voting Assistance Project, began as a service for military men and women overseas but now helps any American voter abroad. But then Donald Trump controls the federal government, of which FVAP is a part and that should give voters pause to consider the possibilities of manipulation. Click here to go to FVAP if that is your choice.
The second oldest, the Overseas Vote Foundation, is strictly nonpartisan, beyond the reach of the vote suppressors and also won’t share your information with any party organization. Click here to use the OVF service if that is your choice.
The other online voting service for Americans living overseas, Vote From Abroad, was founded by Democrats Abroad, the overseas branch of the Democratic Party, but will help anybody to register and vote regardless of partisan affiliation or lack thereof. To use the Vote From Abroad online service, click here.
Order your ballot and register sooner rather than later.
Bear in mind…
I want to believe in a personal god who looks after me and my loved ones and knows every sparrow that falls. But the suffering of one single child, or more likely, millions is evidence against that belief. The one question I want to ask god: how do you explain or justify the suffering of a child?
Melina Mercouri
You don’t make peace with friends. You make it with very unsavory enemies.
Yitzhak Rabin
In the past, we spoke of poverty, misery only in the south. Now there is a lot of misery, a lot of bad that creates victims in the north as well. This has become manifest: the global system was not made to serve the good of all, but to serve multinational companies.
Ahmed Ben Bella
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The flood of corruption affairs that is now engulfing the Netanyahu family and its assistants and servitors does not seem to diminish his popularity among those who call themselves “the People.”
On the contrary, according to the opinion polls, the voters of the other nationalist parties are rushing to the rescue of “Bibi.”
They believe that he is a great statesman, the savior of Israel, and are therefore ready to forgive and forget everything else. Huge bribes, generous gifts, everything.
Strange. Because my attitude is exactly the opposite. I am not ready to forgive “Bibi” anything for being a great statesman, because I think that he is a very minor statesman. Indeed, no statesman at all.
The final judgment about Bibi’s capabilities was passed by his father early in his career.
Benzion Netayahu, a history professor who was an expert on the Spanish inquisition, did not have a very high opinion of his second son. He much preferred the oldest son, Jonathan, who was killed in the Entebbe operation. This, by the way, may be the source of Bibi’s deep complexes.
Politically, Benzion was the most extreme rightist there ever was. He despised Vladimir Jabotinsky, the brilliant leader of the right-wing Zionists, as well as his pupil, Menachem Begin. For him, both were liberal weaklings.
Benzion, who felt that his talents were not appreciated in Israel and went to teach in the United States, where he brought up his sons, said about Binyamin: “He could make a good foreign secretary, but not a prime minister.” Never was a more precise judgment made about Bibi.
Binyamin Netanyahu is indeed excellent foreign minister material. He speaks perfect (American) English, though without the literary depth of his predecessor, Abba Eban. About Eban, David Ben-Gurion famously remarked: “He can make beautiful speeches, but you must tell him what to say.”
Bibi is a perfect representative. He knows how to behave with the great of this earth. He cuts a good figure at international conferences. He makes well-crafted speeches on important occasions, though he tends to use primitive gimmicks a Churchill would not touch.
A foreign minister functions, nowadays, as the traveling salesman of his country. Indeed. Bibi was once a traveling salesman for a furniture company. Since traveling has become so easy, foreign ministers fulfill most of the functions that in past centuries were reserved for ambassadors.
As his father so shrewdly observed, there is a huge difference between the duties of a foreign minister and those of a prime minister. The foreign minister implements policy. The prime minister determines policy.
The ideal prime minister is a man (or a woman) of vision. He knows what his country needs — not only today, but for generations to come. His vision embraces the entire needs of his country, of which foreign relations is only one aspect, and not necessarily the most important one. He sees the social, economic, cultural and military aspects of his vision.
Benzion Netanyahu knew that his son did not posses these capabilities. A good appearance is just not enough, especially for a leader of a country with such complicated problems, interior and exterior, as Israel.
When one thinks about Franklin Delano Roosevelt, one remembers his saying “We have nothing to fear but fear itself.” Thinking of Winston Churchill, one remembers: “Never was so much owed by so many to so few.”
Thinking about Bibi, what profound saying does one remember? Nothing but his comment about the many corruption cases in which he is involved: “There will be nothing because there is nothing.”
Binyamin Netanyahu’s main occupation, between criminal interrogations, is traveling abroad and meeting with the world’s leaders. One week in Paris meeting President Macron, the next in Moscow meeting President Putin. In between, an African country or two.
What is achieved in these multiple meetings? Well, nothing to speak of.
That is very shrewd. It touches a deep nerve in Jewish consciousness.
For many generations, Jews were a helpless minority in many countries, West and East. They were entirely dependent on the graces of the local lord, count, Sultan. To remain in his good graces, a member of the Jewish community, generally the richest, took it upon himself to gratify the ruler, flatter him and bribe him. Such a person became the king of the ghetto, admired by his community.
As a phenomenon, Bibi is a successor of this tradition.
Nobody loved Abba Eban. Even those who admired his extraordinary talents did not admire the man. He was considered un-Israeli, not a he-man as a typical Israeli man should be.
Bibi’s public standing is quite different. As a former commando fighter he is as he-mannish as Israelis desire. He looks as an Israeli should look. No problem there.
But ask one of his admirers what Bibi has actually achieved in his 12 years as prime minister, and he will be at a loss to answer. David Ben-Gurion founded the state, Menachem Begin made peace with Egypt, Yitzhak Rabin made the Oslo agreement. But Bibi?
Yet at least half of Israel admires Bibi without bounds. They are ready to forgive him countless affairs of corruption — from receiving the most expensive Cuban cigars as gifts from multi-billionaires to outright bribes which may amount to many million dollars So what?
The social composition of his camp is even odder. They are the masses of Oriental Jews, who feel despised, downtrodden and discriminated against in every respect. By whom? By the Ashkenazi upper classes, the “whites,” the Left. Yet nobody could be more Ashkenazi upper-class than Bibi.
Nobody has yet found the key to this mystery.
So what is Netanyahu’s “vision” for the future? How is Israel to survive in the next decades as a colonial power, surrounded by Arab and Muslim states which may one day unite against it? How is Israel to remain master of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, populated by the Palestinian people, not to mention East Jerusalem and the shrines holy to a billion and a half Muslims throughout the world?
It seems that Bibi’s answer is “Don’t look, just go on!” In his way of thinking, his solution is: no solution. Just continue what Israel is doing anyway: deny the Palestinians any national and even human rights, implant Israeli settlements in the West Bank at a steady but cautious pace, and otherwise maintain the status quo.
He is a cautious person, far from being an adventurer. Most of his admirers would like him to annex the West Bank outright, or at least large chunks of it. Bibi restrains them.
What’s the hurry?
But doing nothing is no real answer. In the end, Israel will have to decide: make peace with the Palestinian people (and the entire Arab and Muslim world), or annex all the occupied territories without conferring citizenship on the Arab population. Ergo: an official apartheid state, which may turn in the course of generations into an Arab-majority bi-national state, the nightmare of almost all Jewish Israelis.
There is, of course, another vision, which nobody mentions: waiting for an opportunity to implement another Naqba, expel the entire Palestinian people from Palestine.
However, such an opportunity seems unlikely to present itself a second time.
Bibi seems unconcerned. He is a man of the status quo. But having no vision of his own means that consciously or unconsciously he holds in his heart the vision of his father: get the Arabs out. Take possession of the whole land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan (at least), as the Biblical Israelites once did.
What will Bibi do in face of the corruption indictments closing in on him?
Hang on. Whatever happens. Indictment, trial, conviction, just hang on. If everything falls to pieces, democracy, the courts, law enforcement agencies — just hang on.
Not the course one would expect from a great statesman. But then, he is no statesman at all, great or small.
I repeat the suggestion I made last week: in due time have him confess, grant him an immediate pardon. Let him keep the loot, and — bye bye, Bibi.
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Comptroller General Humber sends 220 boxes of documents replete with a mother lode of dirt on most of the legislature to Attorney General Porcell. Has a bluff been called, or made? Photo by the Contraloria.
To recap the action while the president has been mostly away:
The National Assembly passed a resolution to reconfigure its Credentials Committee, reducing President Varela’s Panameñista Party from four of the nine seats to two. The Panameñista Party called the decision null and void.
The Panameñistas filed a constitutional challenges — “amparo de garantías — with the administrative bench of the Supreme Court. After a brief delay, magistrate Abel Zamorano agreed to accept it. Pending further decision of the court — a three-member administrative law panel, and then maybe ta full nine-member panel of the entire court, with alternates probably filling in because two members’ terms have expired and even if they remain members until replaced they probably would not take part — the legislature’s resolution is suspended and can’t be put into effect.
PRD leader Pedro Miguel González, the resolution’s main proponent, said that Zamorano’s decision is null and void. National Assembly president Yanibel Ábrego, of the Cambio Democrático Party, urged Zamorano to change his mind.
Meanwhile, the Motta family has no political party as such but they are the leading lights of the Independent Movement (MOVIN). They arguably might consider one of their own, independent legislator and presidential candidate Ana Matilde Gómez, to be their only voice in the National Assembly. They supported Juan Carlos Varela’s election but broke with him over corruption scandals but meanwhile are close to former La Prensa director and former diplomat Federico Humbert, who is the Comptroller General. MOVIN urged him to act quickly against legislators who may have committed crimes by way of abusing millions of dollars allotted to them during the Martinelli administration. This is most of the current legislature, people from every party, but not all of them stole or bought votes with the money. Still, when such funds are laundered through a corregimiento’s junta comunal — which is subject neither to the comptroller’s prior controls nor to ordinary record keeping — that’s usually a sign that criminal activity is afoot.
In a few days, Humbert did as MOVIN advised, delivering 220 boxes full of documents to Attorney General Kenia Porcell’s office and acknowledging that he doesn’t send things to the prosecutors unless he believes that a crime has been committed.
So, has Varela, or MOVIN, or the high court, called the legislature’s bluff?
Probably it’s a bluff and perhaps a delay, as would be Zamorano’s acceptance of the case.
Humbert’s submission to Porcell is the product of some three years of labor by dozens of auditors. If one wants to get cynical about it one might call it a grand political patronage bonanza for a force that arguably got no votes from the general electorate, a triumph for the cause of full employment for accountants. But the Public Ministry that Porcell leads doesn’t have an army of forensic accountants. They have only a relative few prosecutors adept at handling financial crimes. If, with that small staff, the prosecutors take as long with their work as the comptroller’s office has, the corruption cases go away due to the statutes of limitation.
It might be that Humbert has sent cheat sheets and assigned auditors to work with the prosecutors, so we should not presume that Porcell’s team will have to re-invent the wheel. Still, they would be hard-pressed for resources and would have to go to the president and legislature for more funding to take on this job.
Three witnesses, a paper trail and a lame admission (it was a donation, not a bribe, he now pleads, after previous categorical denials) say that Varela took millions from Odebrecht. That case would be handled by the legislature, not the ordinary prosecutors or courts, were bribery and money laundering charges brought against the president. But the regular prosecutors and courts would have jurisdiction over the accomplices and potential witnesses at an impeachment trial. Would Varela want to lob a nuclear weapon at the National Assembly by recommending extra funds for anti-corruption prosecutors? Especially, would he want to do this because one of the people whom it seems that Humbert fingers is the president’s brother, José Luis “Popi” Varela?
And if the president made such a special budget request, would the legislature vote to fund a criminal investigation of most of its members?
As to Zamorano’s stay that blocks a change in the Credentials Committee, it’s a pretty audacious intervention by the judiciary branch into a legislative matter. Especially so, given that the committee configuration that was overturned was unconstitutional on its face. But really, so what? On July 1 the last session of the current National Assembly begins and they will as part of their ordinary business reconfigure all legislative committees. Varela’s party does not have the votes and will not have the votes to maintain four members on the Credentials Committee. Between now and then, if the Panameñistas try to pretend that nothing has happened and jam anything through the Credentials Committee as it was, the assembly as a whole will vote it down.
Stalemate time.
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Boyaca residents routed by fire get help from neighbors near and far
thanks especially to their across-the-street neighbors, The Danilo Pérez Foundation
Individuals and institutions public and private are coming together for those left homeless and having lost their material possessions in the February 21 burning of San Felipe’s historic Boyaca Building. This historic wooden structure had been rebuilt with help from Spain’s Andalusia region, providing housing to folks of modest means and part of the Casco Viejo’s cultural scene. To one side of Plaza Herrera, is was between the remnant of the colonial city’s wall and the old Conservatorio that’s now home to the Danilo Pérez Foundation. Several people living in the building before the fire had relationships with the foundation and, thanks to some help from the mayor’s office and its connections, three students at the foundation had their destroyed musical instruments replaced.
How the fire started is being investigated. It began in an upstairs room. Photo by MIVIOT.
The subject of rebuilding or replacing is not yet decided, and may bring out some of the gentrification versus affordable housing and historic preservation versus maximum profitability issues that have played out in the neighborhood for years. Temporary emergency housing has been arranged for the nearly three dozen families who were routed by the fire, which completely destroyed the Boyaca building and damaged two other buildings up the street.
Collections began immediately for food and clothing, but now the effort is for bringing a longer-term bit of normality back into the lives of those who lost their homes. Thus a couple of benefit concerts are being put on by local musicians, many of whom have their connections with the Danilo Pérez Foundation. The venue is at nearby Villa Agustina, just off of Plaza Herrera. The two dates are March 1 and March 15, both shows at 8 p.m. The parties are likely to go on into the night, as the announced performers are probably not going to be the only ones. So far the lineups include Conexión Latina, the Luis Carlos Pérez Quintet, Los Nietos de Jazz, Llevarte a Marte and Idania Dowman. If you miss the show will you have missed a surprise appearance by an internationally renowned act? Perhaps. In any case, those are local all stars of Panama’s worthy scene.
Can’t make it? You can contribute directly to the fund that has been established, via the Danilo Pérez Foundation savings account at the Banco General:
Fundación Danilo Pérez Banco General – Savings account N ° 0404012001230 International transfers via SWIFT Code: BAGEPAPA
Just behind where the Boyaca building once stood is a remnant of the Casco Viejo’s colonial fortifications. Any rumor that those who parked in front of fire hydrants and impeded the bomberos will be lined against this wall and shot are exaggerations, but those folks are major villains of the moment. Photo by Eric Jackson.
Panama’s architectural loss. Photo by MIVIOT.
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Para leer el decreto entero, toque aquí, aquí y aquí. Por supuesto tiene referencias a otros documentos, especialmente el Código Electoral. Decreto 10 discrimine abiertamente a favor de oficiales ya en puestos elegidos. Pero hay otras provisiones del Código que parecen como prohibiciones en la recoleccíon de firmas hasta la temporada de campañas, demasiado tarde para ser válidas para lograr una posición en la papeleta.
El problema que independientes
tienen con el Tribunal Electoral
citados de los medios sociales y sus páginas del red
El Tribunal Electoral reglamenta participación de
pre candidatos y candidatos en actos públicos
por Rubén Blades, de su página de Internet
Después de leer el parte noticioso quedé mas enredado. ¿Cómo define el Tribunal Electoral de Panamá un “acto público”? ¿Qué se entiende por “público”? ¿Que sea en la calle? ¿Que tenga audiencia, es decir, que tenga espectadores? ¿Cuántas personas se requieren para que un acto sea considerado como público? ¿Es público un acto del cual nadie se entera que ocurrió?
Si yo, Rubén Blades, invito a un grupo de amigos a mi casa para conversar sobre el problema de la Caja del Seguro Social, por ejemplo; ¿es eso un “acto público”?
Si en un conversatorio alguien me pregunta lo que pienso acerca de un determinado problema nacional, acaso por opinar, ¿me convierto en un “pre candidato” a presidente, aunque no me haya registrado formalmente ante el Tribunal Electoral, ni esté todavía en el proceso de recoger firmas para legalizar tal posibilidad?
El Tribunal Electoral indica que reconoce como pre candidato a quienes aspiren a un cargo de elección popular por libre postulación, “y ese reconocimiento esté en firme”. ¿Qué quiere decir eso de “esté en firme”? ¿Que esté apoyado sobre una columna de mármol? ¿Que esté en posición militar?
El artículo 243 del Código Electoral tampoco resulta aplicable en casos en los que un ciudadano expresa públicamente su opinión política; con eso no afirma que se esta postulando a cargo de elección.
Bajo que parámetros puede el Tribunal Electoral argumentar que una opinión busca un “provecho político frente al electorado”? ¿Y si se está hablando con jóvenes que no tienen la edad requerida para votar en una elección? ¿Y si son jóvenes confinados por delitos? ¿Y dónde queda el derecho ciudadano a la libre expresión?
La dificultad en la claridad en los articulados del Código Electoral están por todas partes.
El artículo 314 plantea contradicciones que producen eternas discusiones interpretativas, sobre las facultades de una Constituyente Paralela, sobre una “reforma” a la Constitución por un lado y por otro la prohibición de que se cree una “nueva” Constitución. Pero resulta que muchas reformas a la Constitución crean, de hecho y por Derecho, una realidad inédita y por ende, una nueva Constitución. ¿O no?.
Finalmente es necesario poner atención a un detalle nada insignificante: estas reglas para la participación electoral fueron creadas y aprobadas por el “establishment” político actual. Esto no es creación de la voluntad ciudadana sino de los partidos políticos, esos que nos han causado tantas desgracias como sociedad; los mismos que nos roban y nos trampean a través de argucias protegidas por “lagunas legales”, o eufemismos como “donaciones” en vez de soborno.
Desde la Asamblea, sus representantes despilfarran nuestros impuestos y los transforman en ingresos personales; son los mismos que hoy mantienen al país en ascuas, por estar peleando los territorios conformados por intereses creados, los feudos que favorecen a los patrocinadores de la partidocracia y la politiquería.
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