Carta abierta al rector

Doctor Eduardo Flores
Rector de la Universidad de Panamá
Ciudad Universitaria
Panamá, Republica de Panamá
E. S. D.

Respetado Sr. Rector

El Movimiento de Ciudadanos Contra la Impunidad (CCI), como es de su conocimiento, lleva a cabo, una serie de actividades ciudadanas, con el propósito de denunciar, combatir y repudiar la corrupción y la impunidad, que pretenden destruir a nuestra Patria.

Inicialmente, antes de dar vida a este Movimiento Cívico, nos dirigimos a Usted en su calidad de Rector de nuestra primera Casa de estudios, para que la Universidad de Panamá, tornara la bandera contra la corrupción y fuese Portaestandarte del sentir Nacional, por ser la llamada a jugar el papel relevante en la vida de nuestra Nación, tal como Ud. Manifestara durante su campaña para aspirar al alto cargo que hoy detenta y convocase la opinión del pueblo Panameño para que el escándalo de Odebrecht fuese debidamente denunciado e investigado y sus autores condenados de acuerdo a nuestro ordenamiento jurídico, sin dilaciones ni encubrimientos.

Su respuesta esquiva y negativa de entonces, nos sorprende hoy de sobremanera, al saber que Ud. está organizando un “Congreso Universitario “del 8 al 10 de marzo, exclusivamente para “discutir posibles cambios a la Ley Orgánica de la Universidad de Panamá”, especialmente lo relativo a garantizar su reelección en el cargo recién asumido.

La situación que vive nuestro país con motivo del Caso Odebrecht, no le es desconocida y, por ello, el CCI se pregunta qué motiva el que nuestra Universidad se abstenga de tener una activa participación en la organización de un permanente debate académico que aborde la discusión sobre la corrupción y la impunidad, de presencia rampante y ofensiva en el quehacer de la Republica, para que la juventud universitaria pueda ser instruida y vacunada contra estas nefastas prácticas.

Reiteramos nuestro llamado patriótico para que la Universidad vuelva a ser conciencia crítica y faro de luz de nuestros compatriotas y se avoque a la convocatoria de un Gran Debate Nacional en toda la sede central de nuestra capital, en todos sus Centros Regionales, en todas sus aulas, sobre el acontecer nacional con el decidido repudio público a las prácticas de corrupción e impunidad, tan en boga en nuestros días.

Ello sin duda alguna, es mucho más importante que la “reelección” de las recién electas autoridades universitarias.

Don Octavio Méndez Pereira, primer Rector de la Universidad, y antecesor suyo nos enseñó que:

y nosotros agregamos para que se haga la luz en la administración de Justicia en donde hoy rondan las Tinieblas de la impunidad.

En la seguridad que el Sr. Rector de la Universidad Nacional de Panamá, sabrá escuchar nuestro respetuoso llamado y por su conducto, a la conciencia colectiva universitaria orientada por la mejor intelectualidad y la Juventud de nuestro país; haciendo honor a los prohombres que le antecedieron en tan meritorio cargo.

Atentamente,

Dr. Alfredo Oranges Bustos
Coordinador CCI- Cedula 8-1121-942

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Trump’s calls

by Marco Gandásegui, hijo

Last week the president of the United States, Donald Trump, made a phone call to his Panamanian counterpart, Juan Carlos Varela. Varela said that Trump “congratulated him for his administration” for the “good that’s coming to the country” and that soon he wanted receive him in Washington.

According to other sources, Trump also spoke to Varela about Venezuela. The relations between Panama and Caracas are good. Everything indicates, according to those who analyzed the phone call, that the US president wants to change this tie, which is above all based on commercial interests. In the case of relations between Panama and the United States — and with the rest of the region — in the backdrop there is the ever-present analogy of the carrot and the stick. The United States may offer a “carrot” in exchange for some favor by the country in question. The carrot may be in kind, in cash or, usually, a promise not to use the ‘stick’ against the interests of the affected.

Trump still hasn’t stated in any explicit way his policy toward the Latin American region. However, his denigration of Mexican leaders (and in passing that country’s people) was expressed in his first campaign speech in 2015, when he announced his decision to build a wall. Although all of the oligarchies of Latin America think that they have “special relations” with the United States, all are seen with disdain by the North American establishment. Trump makes this explicitly known. Trump speaks not only in his own name or in the name of an extreme sector of public opinion. He speaks for the ruling class of his country, as its founding fathers clearly expressed it almost 250 years ago.

Trump’s calls to his colleagues around the world follow a very clear pattern. It helps to refer to the analysis of Cuban journalist Néstor García to follow the chronology. The pattern — probably designed by Trump’s advisers — first of all, privileges the rulers of countries with Anglo-Saxon’roots: Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Followed by Japan, the honorable ally of the Anglo Saxon countries. He called rulers who are sitting on huge oil fields in Africa and the Middle East. It would have to be added, then, calls to to India, South Africa and Israel (the US aircraft carrier in the Eastern Mediterranean). In Latin America, he contacted countries with policies closer to US interests. It seems that the intention is to build a ‘political’ wall around Venezuela. Panama, Trinidad and Tobago, and Colombia are the closest points to the Bolivarian homeland. He also called the president of Argentina and sat in the White House with the president of Peru, both considered an important part of the ‘rearguard’ of a future offensive against Caracas.

He had a one-hour conversation with the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, and another more formal talk with the leader of China. His apparent admiration for the Russian leader has often been publicized. He called the president of France and the chancellor of Germany, with whom he exchanged diplomatic greetings. He also called European leaders in Spain, Italy and Ukraine. He ignored the rest of the members of the European Community and of NATO.

In Latin America he initially did not call the leaders of Mexico, Central America or supposedly allied countries like Chile, Brazil, Paraguay or Uruguay. Nor did he make any effort to build a bridge — even if symbolic — to the ALBA countries.

The direction that Trump’s foreign policy will take is not based on his phone calls. They may, however, reflect a trend. He has his inclinations, the powerful American establishment has others. Trump wants to see China’s “containment” and an “alliance” with Russia. He wants to destroy the Islamic state and “take oil from Iraq,” as well as collect what he considers to be old debts owed by Europe.

In the case of Latin America, Trump’s policy is reflected in his campaign against Mexico, which continues despite his already having occupied the White House more than a month ago. Perhaps it will focus its attention on Venezuela, due to the oil reserves beneath its soil. He has already accused the vice president of that country of being a drug trafficker, without evidence. (It’s a formula widely used by Washington to discredit). The United States has the OAS as a tool to activate the “Charter for Democracy.” But it needs the support of President Varela and the other leaders in the region to first strike the diplomatic blow, and then to deploy military force if necessary.

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