[From a ‘get on our database’ and ‘send money’ email by Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez, with those features redacted but republished because he has something important to say.]
This week, the Trump administration announced that they intend to include a citizenship question on the 2020 census — and now it’s up to us to stop them.
Adding this question to the census, especially at this point in the process and without any testing, is extremely reckless. It could decrease response rates in communities with large immigrant populations and produce inaccurate results due to incomplete counts. Congress depends on those results not only to decide how to distribute federal resources — but also to determine the number of congressional districts in each state.
This calculated move is a clear attempt by Republicans to maximize their political power and undermine fair representation in government. We must do everything we can to stop it.
Many immigrants are already fearful of deportation under the Trump administration. Including a citizenship question on the census will spread more fear among immigrants who are worried the information will be used against them.
But this move is not only another attempt to intimidate immigrants — it is an attempt by Republicans to sabotage important census data to rig our political system in their favor. It is critical that we speak out against it.
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photo copyright / foto derechos de autor Kermit Nourse
The Shiny Cowbird, with its shiny plumage, can easily be confused for a crow or a grackle, but with his colorful feathers has his own merits. This is Molothrus bonariensis cabanisii. Compare with the Bronzed Cowbird, Molothrus aeneus.
El Vaquero Brillante, con su brillante plumaje, puede confundirse fácilmente con un cuervo o un talingo, pero con sus coloridas plumas tiene sus propios méritos. Esto es Molothrus bonariensis cabanisii. Comparar con el Vaquero Bronceado, Molothrus aeneus.
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Impeachment but one track toward a constitutional crash
by Eric Jackson
The National Assembly’s Credentials Committee, whose legitimacy President Varela dismisses and which is challenged before the Supreme Court, has decided to take up 15 criminal complaints, a dozen of which have been pending for some time. Three of these are against the president, one against the vice president and 11 against magistrates of the Supreme Court. The dozen cases that had been pending, some of them years old, are the residue after the committee in its previous incarnation, in which Varela’s Panameñista Party held four of the nine seats, threw out a great many more complaints. Three new complaints — the gists of which are being withheld from the public — include one against the president.
The likely matter of the new complaint against Varela would probably be his receipt of millions of dollars via an indirect route from the Odebrecht construction firm. The president first denied such payments, then after a third witness said otherwise admitted them but characterized them as campaign donations rather than bribes. But even if Varela’s claim is true, there would appear to be a violation of election laws inherent in the receipt of a political contribution from a Brazilian company.
The high court has for all of the post-invasion period been a hotbed for bribery and from the middle of the Martinelli administration on has been rent by acrimonious disputes among the magistrates that have occasionally burst forth into public view. Two figures now on the outside loom large if someone wants to make it so: former presiding magistrate Alejandro Moncada Luna, now out of prison on parole after his conviction on corruption charges, has a new job at a Panama City law firm; and former tourism minister Salomón Shamah, who was Ricardo Martinelli’s courier who took orders to the magistrates about how to rule in certain cases, is in self-imposed exile in Medellin. The court is short-handed with unfilled vacancies and holdovers whose terms have expired but whose replacements have not been nominated and ratified. As an institution the Supreme Court’s reputation is so odious that it would appear unlikely that any political movement to defend it as an institution in its present configuration would garner much public support.
Yet the court was the starting point of the current constitutional impasse late last year, when the president appointed an arguably well qualified anti-corruption prosecutor and the laughably unqualified wife of one of his cabinet members to fill two vacancies that were coming as of December 32. Varela was warned that he didn’t have the votes, managed to jam the appointments through the Credentials Committee as it then was by a 5-4 vote, then was soundly defeated on the floor of the legislature as a whole. The National Assembly then moved to reconfigure the Credentials Committee in a way that likely prevents Varela from ever again pushing any matter through that body. The Panameñistas filed a constitutional challenge before the high court, which was accepted by an acting magistrate and on the face of it should have suspended both the reconfiguration of the committee and any action that the body might take. But a majority of the legislature, citing separation of powers, has ignored the court on this point. By the court’s rules there should have been a ruling on the constitutional challenge by now but that has not happened, and were it to be handed down at the first opportunity its effect would in any case lapse on July 1, when the legislature picks its leaders and makes its committee assignments for the final year of its term.
Meanwhile the legislature, including members of the Credentials Committee, is under suspicion for its own Odebrecht dealings. Committee member Elias Castillo’s law firm was paid millions by the company, in the most notorious instance. Much of the legislature is also under a cloud for the ways that members spent public funds that were part of their circuit allocations, or on payroll for staff. Comptroller General Federico Humbert has been auditing these matters. Any formal investigation and prosecution of a sitting legislator would be under the sole jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and several deputies have filed a constitutional challenge trying to extend this to the notion that a comptroller can’t audit a legislator.
The National Assembly, having lost lawsuits in the lower courts to La Prensa and individuals who were attempting to use the nation’s Transparency Law to find out the details of legislators’ spending yet maintaining its position that it does not have to provide such public documents, also filed a a bried that looked like a constitutional challenge with the high court, alleging that the Transparency Law is unconstitutional. But the high court rejected the challenge, remarking that the assembly’s president, Yanibel Ábrego, simply made an “observation” that doesn’t raise any legitimate constitutional question. The lawsuit about whether the law applies to the legislature remains pending before the court.
The president? Juan Carlos Varela has been out of the country for much of this year. As these words are written he is on a trip to Jordan with a stop in Rome on the itinerary. After the legislature formally rejected his high court nominees he said that he would deal with the issue after Carnival. Now he says that he will take up the unfolding constitutional crisis when he gets back after Holy Week.
In this majority Catholic country, the principal would-be intermediary is the Catholic Church. But at least in any fashion made public, Varela has not met with the bishops over the crisis. There is speculation that in his stop at Rome he may take up the ball of questions the Holy See. It is reported that the church considers the problem more than the ordinary political crisis, as next January Panama will play host to World Youth Day, whose most famous participant will be the pope. The prospect of Pope Francis landing in a capital where large crowds of protesters are out in the streets and there is uncertainty about who is really in charge of the government is reportedly something that the Vatican would dearly like to avoid.
Business, labor, professional and civic groups have been meeting with the various political parties and government leaders to fashion some sort of compromise way out of the impasse. But not with the president or his party, and to the extent that Supreme Court magistrates have been approached, they have been willing to hear public concerns but do not talk about cases that are before them or may come before them.
Talk to the legislature with or without the votes and it becomes readily apparent that between the PRD and Cambio Democratico caucuses President Varela does not have the votes. He must fashion a deal with them from a position of weakness or become politically crippled or be ousted, so it would seem. But the principal organizer of the legislature’s defiance of the president, legislator and PRD secretary general Pedro Miguel González, claims that Varela is looking for the Supreme Court to save his political fortunes. González warns of a crisis without precedent in the post-invasion period.
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Artist’s note: I’m now represented online by UGallery.com and in Panama City by Habitante Galeria. For those of you in Panama, Habitante has two galleries, one on Calle Uruguay and a new gallery in Costa del Este.
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A sleazy Peruvian criminal, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, has been forced to resign as his country’s president for vote buying and bribe taking. PPK, as the disgraced former politician is popularly known in Peru, in the meantime had been scheduled to host the Summit of the Americas next month in Lima. In order to boost his standing with scandal-tainted greater powers, including US President Trump, Brazilian President Temer, Mexican President Peña Nieto and Colombian President Santos, PPK announced that embattled and also scandal-tainted Venezuelan President Maduro would not be allowed to attend. The region’s leftist heads of state all protested, leading to the very real possibility of a boycott.
This is a bad time for democracy in the Americas, with caudillos and crooks on different parts of the political spectrum tainting the politics of many of the countries in the region. Meanwhile, there is a transition underway in Cuba and in the next year or so there will be elections in Costa Rica, Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Paraguay and Panama. Scandals, stolen elections or dubious mandates may force presidents in Venezuela, Honduras, Guatemala and the United States to step down in short order.
Perhaps Peru’s new president, now in the process of finding a new cabinet, may be capable of organizing a Summit of the Americas worthy of the name, rather than the right-wing rump affair that PPK had contemplated. There is a need to for an all-inclusive summit of all those actually in charge of the various countries, as reprehensible and some of them may be.
There are too many uncertainties, including who is invited to attend and who is not, to hold the Summit of the Americas that PPK had planned. There are good arguments in favor of Lima – it’s their turn – but the last-minute changes implicit in a new administration taking charge make the contemplated time and place difficult. Better to postpone the summit, maybe for a year or more, and to see if the new government in Lima is up to revising PPK’s plans and hosting it in a proper fashion
America moving toward a war – and antiwar – footing
The Poles, egged on by the Jews, attacked a German radio station, they said. And for that reason, said the German government, notwithstanding the the “living space” argument that Hitler had been making for years, Germany HAD to invade Poland.
Hitler killed himself before being brought to trial for that. But for his part in that transaction the Nazi foreign minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop, was tried convicted, sentenced and hanged.
At the Tokyo war crimes trials after World War II, at least eight Japanese military officers were convicted of a variety of crimes, one of which was that each was found guilty of toture by waterboarding. Some of the convictions were based not on having personally tortured anybody but on having commanded prison camps where prisoners of war were tortured. Several of these captured officers were sentenced to death and executed.
Does Donald Trump make Americans nostalgic for the good old days of George W. Bush? Bush, with his Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton playing a leading role in concocting a story about Saddam Hussein having and hiding weapons of mass destruction, led America to war for a lie. That war for a lie destabilized the entire region, spreading and morphing into new conflicts. Now, 15 years later, the flames of war are still not extinguished. Hundreds of thousands have died and millions have been driven from their homes. As part of Bush’s no-borders, no war aim, no contemplated end “War on Terror,” Gina Haspel ran a clandestine prison in which people were routinely subjected to waterboard torture, and later supervised the destruction of information about torture there and at a string of other CIA, military and “civilian contractor” facilities.
Now Donald Trump would have John Bolton as the National Security Advisor and Gina Haspel as CIA director. As the evidence against the president’s, his campaign committee’s and his family’s criminal activities mounts, he apparently intends to lead America to war as a distraction. Bolton and Haspel are intended to be key players in a war cabinet.
Will there be Democratic support when Trump makes his move? Neocons who were in the Bush administration migrated to the Hillary campaign in 2016 and are putative Democrats now. Those folks never saw a foreign war that they didn’t like.
Will there be Republican opposition when Trump makes his move? There will be, and it won’t just be Rand Paul. True conservatives, of whom there are few left in Congress, are against doing reckless and expensive things. Reflexive backers of the US military who know the subject rightfully worry about asking the troops to go to war under the command of somebody who by all appearances got to where he is with the assistance of a rival foreign power.
A war president? This time it may be a matter of US national survival to mobilize the American antiwar movement. The starting point ought to be opposition to the appointments of war criminals John Bolton and Gina Haspel to positions in the government.
Correction: an earlier version if this erroneously stated that Bolton was proposed for Secretary of State. That appointment goes to Mike Pompeo. Thanks to a reader who played the role of proofreader / fact checker in this community effort that is The Panama News.
Bear in mind…
I hate war as only a soldier can, only as one who has seen its brutality, its futility, its stupidity.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
I am not anti-gun. I am pro-knife. Consider the merits of the knife. In the first place, you have to catch up with someone in order to stab him. A general substitution of knives for guns would promote physical fitness. We’d turn into a whole nation of great runners. Plus, knives don’t ricochet. And people are seldom killed while cleaning their knives.
Molly Ivins
Books are the carriers of civilization. Without books, history is silent, literature dumb, science crippled, thought and speculation at a standstill.
Barbara Tuchman
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Festival para disfrutar la cultura afrocolonial en Portobelo
foto por Raquel Eleta, nota por Roberto Enrique King
La Fundación Portobelo y el Grupo Realce Histórico de Portobelo anuncian la próxima celebración del 4° Festival de la Pollera Conga, a realizarse el sábado 14 de abril en esta histórica población de la provincia de Colón, en lo que será un día familiar que permitirá a propios y foráneos disfrutar, acercarse y conocer mejor los cantos, bailes y tradiciones de un importante componente de nuestra nacionalidad como lo es la cultura afrocolonial.
Se trata de un proyecto cultural y turístico bienal, cuyo principal objetivo es reforzar un proceso de conservación, desarrollo y divulgación de las ricas tradiciones de la región, enfocándose especialmente en el invaluable aporte que ha tenido la mujer negra y cimarrona en la historia de estas poblaciones y en la supervivencia y preservación de todas las manifestaciones que componen la llamada cultura conga o congo, desde la época de la esclavitud.
En este sentido, el Festival de la Pollera Conga se complementa con el Festival de Congos y Diablos de Portobelo, que tiene un perfil mucho más dirigido a resaltar la presencia y aportes del hombre dentro de esta cultura, y que también se realiza cada dos años, por lo que se alternan permitiendo ofrecer cada año al público un festival de distinta especificidad, pero de una misma raíz. Mayor información al 6279-6896 y en Facebook: @fundacionportobelo
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In October 2017, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that pursuing the Mara Salvatrucha, a Salvadoran gang also known as MS-13, was “a priority for our Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces.”
“Drugs are killing more Americans than ever before, in large part thanks to powerful cartels and international gangs and deadly new synthetic opioids like fentanyl,” Sessions told the International Association of Chiefs of Police on October 23. He concluded that “perhaps the most brutal of these gangs is MS-13.”
President Donald Trump also cites MS-13 to justify his administration’s crackdown on illegal immigration from Latin America. In his2018 State of the Union address, Trump threatened to “destroy” the group, which is responsible for a spate of brutal, high-profile murders in Boston,Long Island, Virginiaand beyond.
There’s a problem here — and it’s not just MS-13’s violent ethos. It’s that the Trump administration is getting this gang all wrong.
That misconception is fueling failed US policies that, in my assessment, will do little to deter MS-13.
MS-13 is no Yakuza
The Trump administration is not the first administration to mischaracterize MS-13, which conducts vicious but rudimentary criminal activities like extortion, armed robbery and murder across Central America, Mexico and the United States.
In 2012, the Obama-eraTreasury Department put the groupon a organized crime “kingpin” list with the Italian mafia Camorra, the Mexican criminal group the Zetas and the Japanese mob known as the Yakuza.
That designation gave the group a rarefied status in the underworld, which must have pleased its leadership.
But our research found that MS-13 is hardly a lucrative network of criminal masterminds. Instead, it is a loose coalition of young,often formerly incarcerated menoperating hand to mouth across a vast geographic territory.
Then as now, MS-13 acted as a surrogate family for its members, though not a benign one. MS-13 created a collective identity that was constructed and reinforced by shared experiences, particularly expressions of violence and social control.
It has since spread to at least a half-dozen countries on two continents and has become a prime source of destabilizing violence,particularly extortion, in Central American countries like El Salvador and Honduras.
Inept at drug dealing
What MS-13 has not done is establish any real foothold in the international drug trafficking market.
It’s not for lack of trying. Our study found that MS-13 leaders have made several attempts to get into the business of running illicit drugs.
In the early 2000s, one MS-13 boss named Nelson Comandaritried to use the gang’s national criminal infrastructureto establish a drug distribution network. Comandari was well positioned to do it. He was powerful in LA, had underworld family connections from El Salvador to Colombia and enjoyed strong ties to the fearedMexican Mafia, a US-based prison gang with connections to Mexican cartels.
Yet within a few years Comandari was frustrated. MS-13 members turned out to be inept at drug smuggling and resistant to the whole idea. Our research found that the gang frowns upon those who put their personal business above the collective’s.
Comandari eventually went into the drug business on his ownand was captured along the Texas-Mexico border in 2006.
Subsequent efforts havegotten nipped even sooner. In 2015, a midlevel MS-13 leader named Larry Naverete — spelled Navarrete in some federal documents — began smuggling small loads of methamphetamine into the United States via an MS-13 member operating from Tijuana.
Within two years, police on each side of the border had captured Navarete, who was operating from the California State Prison System, andhis Mexican partner.
Why MS-13 fails at drug trafficking
One reason MS-13 has failed so roundly at becoming a drug cartel is that it ismore of a social clubthan a lucrative criminal enterprise. Its members benefit from the camaraderie and support that comes with membership — not the heaping monetary rewards that never arrive.
Entrepreneurs who hope to leverage its network for their personal financial gain see the same strong resistance that scuttled Comandari’s plans.
Perhaps more critically, MS-13 is adecentralized organizationwith no clear hierarchy. The gang is broken into local cells called “cliques” — or “clicas” in Spanish — that are more loyal to each other than to the various leadership councils that operate around Central America and the United States.
Put simply, it has no leader. So what looks on paper like a tremendous built-in infrastructure for moving illicit products across borders is actually a disparate, federalized organization ofsubstructures with highly local, even competing, interests.
Finally, MS-13 is mostly about immediate gratification. It helps members eke out a living and get some perilous criminal thrills. That’s why extortion is a staple. Complex supply chains? Not so much.
Instead, the Trump administration has used MS-13 as a foil to push its political agenda.
To justify imposing draconian immigration restrictions, Trump and Sessionslink MS-13’s crimes to the issue of illegal immigration. Their rhetoric suggests that the group is staffed with undocumented migrants, thus proving that migrants are dangerous. In fact,statisticsconfirm that immigrants commit crimes at far lower rates than native-born US citizens.
What harsh law enforcement tactics aimed at ending immigration and breaking up drug cartels won’t do is address the real problems posed by MS-13 and other very violent, very American street gangs.