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Zulay moves to restrict foreign music on local radio

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When Canada passed a 30% Canadian content law for its music radio stations, perhaps the most noteworthy casualty was CKLW, the powerhouse station in Windsor, Ontario that would bounce its signal off of the Detroit River and reach much of the US Great Lakes region. Another casualty was racially integrated culture across the river in the Detroit area. Windsor and environs had and has a small and relatively prosperous black community, going back to the days of escaped slaves crossing the border with the help of the Underground Railroad and setting up farms in Southern Ontario. But Windsor’s a mainly white city, across from mainly black Detroit albeit a mostly white metro area. CKLW, rejecting US segregation, would play both rock and roll and soul music. It led other stations in the Detroit area to do likewise. After CKLW’s demise, Detroit area radio soon broke down into black stations and white stations, with few crossings of the color line. Also destroyed with CKLW was the career of one of North America’s few female music station program directors, renowned hitmaker Rosalie Trombley.

Move to make Panamanian music radio 75% Panamanian content

by Eric Jackson

Get rid of those scruffy Mexicans and Colombians and Jamaicans and Brits. Don’t want to hear stuff live from Latin America’s great music festivals, let along Glastonbury. The saxophone sounds of Danilo Pérez’s Chilean-born American wife Patricia Zarate de Pérez would not be very welcome on the radio here. Cumbia, tamborito and decima stations would survive, perhaps. Under Zulay Rodríguez’s proposed law 32, three-quarters of all songs aired on Panamanian radio would have to be by Panamanians. Gerry D. would have to revise his talk show’s musical interludes.

The Nazis tried something like that, with some success within Germany. Gustav Mahler’s stuff disappeared from the German classical scene during the Third Reich. No music by Jews or other denigrated races allowed. In occupied Europe there was less success. In Paris they never quite wiped out jazz, although they did send the cops out to enforce rules against sax players swaying while they played. The Gestapo never got around to sending Django Reinhardt, that Roma jazz composer and guitarist with a injured hand, to the death camps. Ernest Hemingway liberated the Ritz before that task was completed. One more bit of inefficiency to infuriate Der Fuhrer.

Nazi Germany’s BIG defeat on the musical front was that, while their radio had some quality classical stuff and Lane Andersen’s big hit Lili Marleen, it was boring and when sure they were out of stormtroopers’ earshot millions of Europeans would tune into BBC. The music is better when there is freedom and there aren’t racist / xenophobic / nationalistic bans and quotas. Part of The Resistance was music.

The deputy promises that Panamanian musicians will get more work under her proposed quota. Probably the reverse is true. There would be much less cultural tourism and as international bands steered clear of a hateful little musical backwater there would be fewer gigs for Panamanian warm-up acts, too.

Of course, Panama’s radio station owners are already coordinating their opposition to Zulay’s proposal. Were it not largely sold to foreigners now, the once more powerful ad agency cartel would be flexing its muscles against proposal 32 as well. Even as branches of foreign companies, look for these businesses to complain as best they can.

her
Zulay screeches against foreigners. Adapted from a National Assembly image.
 

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Gandásegui, Cortizo y la educación

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comarca
Escuela en la Comarca Ngäbe-Buglé. Foto por Noticias AEVe.

Una ‘estrella’ en el programa
de Cortizo: La educación

por Marco A. Gandásegui, hijo

Cada vez se hace más urgente una reforma del sistema educativo panameño. Estoy repitiendo lo que se viene diciendo desde hace medio siglo. Los portadores del mensaje han sido enfáticos en sus planteamientos, pero no han logrado traducir su objetivo en un plan que cuente con el apoyo político necesario. Queremos explicar el porqué y sugerir algunas opciones para lograr que el país logre tener – por lo menos – una propuesta viable de reforma educativa. Lo trataremos de hacer en dos entregas sucesivas. Esta es la primera.

Cuando se habla de un sistema educativo de un país no es lo mismo que la sumatoria de todos los proyectos individuales de educación. Todavía más complejo, un plan – o un proyecto – de reforma educativa tiene que tener un objetivo, una estrategia y un grupo social que encabece la estrategia para alcanzar el objetivo. Es común que se hable de reformas educativas planteando numerosos problemas que van desde la falta de un presupuesto, el deterioro de los planteles, pasando por la formación y salarios de los educadores.

Para abordar estos problemas y otros, hay que definir por qué y para qué queremos un sistema educativo. Además, cómo queremos que funcione y para quién. ¿Estamos todos de acuerdo para qué queremos un sistema educativo nacional? Muchos dicen que no tiene que ser nacional (lo separan en oficial y privado, religioso o laico) y algunos señalan que debe ser selectivo (los que hacen mérito o para quienes pueden pagar) y otros incluyente (universal).

El para qué la educación divide a todos. Generalmente, las diferencias aparecen reflejando los intereses de grupo (clase) social. Casi en todas partes, sin distinción de niveles de desarrollo social o crecimiento económico, cada grupo social tiene su propio proyecto educativo y lo plantea en forma enérgica pero sin confesar su interés sectorial (de clase). La educación responde a un proceso social que evoluciona a lo largo de la historia. El grupo social más fuerte impone su proyecto. Durante la colonia americana, la Corona respondía a un pacto entre los nobles (guerreros terratenientes o cortesanos) y la Iglesia (ideólogos terratenientes). La educación se reducía a los intereses de estos dos grupos. Cuando Panamá se separó de Colombia en 1903, los ‘blancos capitalinos’ descubrieron que no tenían la gente (los cuadros) para dirigir la República recién nacida. En su discurso inaugural del Instituto Nacional en 1908, Eusebio Morales dijo que se creaba el plantel para formar los futuros dirigentes del país. Propuso una reforma educativa radical a nombre de los rentistas que dominaban el país. Con el paso de los años y el inicio de un proceso de industrialización en la década de 1930, los cambios demandan trabajadores tanto en el sector privado como el público. Se intentó introducir reformas sin mucho éxito. El sistema se partió entre público y privado (la educación regentada por religiosos tomó la delantera).

En la década de 1940 el sistema hizo crisis al crecer sin una dirección. Ya no era para formar cuadros como dijera Morales. ¿Entonces para que servía el sistema educativo? Las respuestas eran vagas y, sobre todo, emotivas. Las calles se convirtieron en los centros de debate. Las capas medias exigían su inclusión e identificaban la educación como la escalera para el ascenso social. En las siguientes dos décadas (1950 y 1960), con los liberales en el poder, la confusión rayaba con el caos. Se crearon cada vez más escuelas, pero el país no les daba espacio a los nuevos técnicos y profesionales. El golpe militar de 1968 respondió a ese desorden producto de una dirección política sin proyecto de nación y con un sistema educativo que ya había colapsado.

Los militares crearon una comisión para reformar el sistema educativo que se enfrentó a una oposición feroz. Algunos dicen que la oposición a la propuesta era porque venía de un gobierno controlado por los cuarteles. La tesis que propongo es otra: La reforma pretendía ser incluyente y los sectores sociales que todavía controlaban el debate en las calles se oponían. El gobierno militar no fue capaz de ganar la batalla ideológica en las calles. Un sector muy combativo de las capas medias que se sentía excluida, la orientación ideológica de la Iglesia y los recursos económicos de los sectores conservadores de la clase rentista se unieron para derrotar la reforma.

Repasamos la historia de la educación en Panamá. Fue un pantallazo muy rápido del pasado cuyo objetivo era introducirnos al presente. A su vez, nos sirve para proyectarnos hacia el futuro. Vivimos en un presente que nos legaron nuestros padres. Pero sí podemos construir la sociedad que queremos pensando en el futuro. El actor central puede ser un grupo social, una combinación de grupos o todos. Muy difícil que sea uno sólo o todos juntos. Más probable es que sea una alianza entre diferentes grupos que se unen para acometer la tarea de construir esa sociedad que queremos.

No tenemos la respuesta a la pregunta sobre cómo será esa sociedad que construiremos. Lo que si podemos afirmar con seguridad es que un instrumento fundamental en esa construcción es la educación. En nuestra historia vimos que cualquier proyecto de educación nacional responde a los intereses de uno o varios grupos sociales. La invasión militar norteamericana de 1989 impuso sobre el país un modelo económico que lleva el nombre de neoliberal. El modelo subordina todas las actividades – tanto económicas o culturales – a la lógica de quienes se creen dueños del país. Los neoliberales la llaman – sin razón – la ‘lógica del mercado’.

Los neoliberales modificaron las leyes que rigen las relaciones sociales entre los panameños (desregularon las reglas, privatizaron las empresas públicas y flexibilizaron las relaciones laborales). En el campo de la educación, los más radicales propusieron su privatización. Esto era imposible por el costo financiero que implicaba. En otros países (EEUU, entre otros) se consideró y se sigue barajando una alternativa educativa ‘público – privada’. Es decir, el gobierno pone todos los recursos y la empresa privada los administra. Igualmente, la empresa privada se queda con las ganancias de la inversión pública.

Este sistema ha sido muy resistido por razones obvias. En primer lugar, si el administrador no genera una ganancia para el dueño, se cierra la escuela. Segundo, el sistema no tiene un proyecto ni visión de futuro. Los empresarios agrupados en sus gremios ven con buenos ojos esta propuesta porque les anuncia un camino fácil para generar ganancias. El empresario privilegia su ganancia sobre todo lo demás. Para él es lo correcto. Pero ¿dónde quedan los estudiantes, la escuela y el futuro del país? Quedan tal como nos dicen los documentos y estadísticas del gobierno: Jóvenes ‘ni-ni’, planteles colapsados y un futuro incierto.

Los panameños tenemos los recursos de sobra para levantar un sistema educativo que nos permita atender las demandas de nuestros niños y jóvenes. Podemos construir los mejores planteles con todos los adelantos técnicos. Sólo tenemos que contestar la pregunta ¿para qué?

En la actualidad, existen tres proyectos de reforma educativa que circulan a puertas cerradas: La primera es la del uno por ciento de los panameños. Este minúsculo sector propone la iniciativa ‘público privado’. Otro sector, el 40 por ciento de los panameños, quieren un sistema que les garantice a sus hijos acceso a la escalera del ascenso social. Los restantes, casi el 60 por ciento, han sido rechazados por el sistema y tenemos que reintegrarlos a la escuela.

El sistema educativo tiene que preparar a la juventud para una vida productiva e innovadora. No podemos discriminar por sexo, etnia, ni por condición económica. El primer día de clase del niño en kindergarten debe probar su ingenio para solucionar problemas. La vida es una pista llena de obstáculos cambiantes, cada vez más difíciles, para los cuales tenemos que estar preparados. La escuela – primaria, secundaria y superior – tiene que darnos los instrumentos para iniciar esa vida que nos exigirá permanentemente seguir escalando. El sistema también tiene que darnos los medios para saber dirigir, para ser líderes, comenzando en la escuela y siguiendo en la vida productiva. El liderazgo es una cualidad que el sistema educativo tiene que darle al joven. Se fijan metas y se trasmiten valores: La lectura, la destreza mental y física, la competencia, la solidaridad.

Hay áreas básicas que difícilmente cambiarán como las matemáticas y el español. Igualmente, la ciencia y las humanidades. Hay retos técnicos. Hace cien años era la electricidad, hace medio siglo la revolución audio visual, hoy estamos en la era digital. Mañana estaremos enfrentado otros retos. Nuestro sistema educativo tiene que formar a quienes estarán en la vanguardia de los cambios e innovaciones. Para eso debe servir el sistema educativo panameño.

~ ~ ~

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IMF staff confirms Panama slowdown

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slow times
Not just annual dog days. Panama’s economy is slow.
Archive photo by Eric Jackson.

IMF staff concludes visit to Panama

by the International Monetary Fund

A staff team of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), led by Alejandro Santos, visited Panama during July 17-23, 2019, invited by the Panamanian authorities. At the end of the visit Mr. Santos issued the following statement:

“While Panama remains among the most dynamic economies in Latin America, the economic recovery has been slower than anticipated. Real GDP grew at an annual rate of 3.1 percent in the first quarter of 2019 (compared to 4 percent in the same period of last year), due to a softening in construction and services. More recent data point to a continuation of a sluggish recovery, leading us to revise down our growth projection for 2019 to 5 percent (from 6 percent estimated in our February visit). Panama’s fundamentals remain solid, with the economy expected to recover and converge to its potential growth of 5½ percent by next year, and inflation edging up to 2 percent over the medium-term. The banking system remains well-capitalized and liquid with low non-performing loans. The external position will continue strengthening over the medium term. The balance of risks to the outlook is tilted to the downside, related to fears of rising trade protectionism, weaker global outlook, and potential pressure on banks’ correspondent relations.

“Preliminary data indicate a decline in fiscal revenues and an acceleration in the implementation of budgetary spending, leading to a fiscal deficit in the first half of the year above the 2 percent of GDP limit established by the fiscal rule for the whole year. In addition, sizable arrears accumulated to suppliers and banks which need to be cleared. The authorities estimate that in the absence of corrective measures, the fiscal deficit could reach almost 4 percent of GDP in 2019. The authorities are committed to corrective measures but fear that a rapid pace of implementation could weaken the ongoing recovery further. Against that background, the authorities expect to reduce the fiscal deficit by over 2 percent of GDP in the next two years, allowing them to observe the deficit limit under the fiscal responsibility law of 1¾ percent of GDP by 2021.

“In June 2019, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed Panama on the list of countries with strategic deficiencies on its anti-money laundering framework. Despite recent progress on financial integrity, including the recognition of tax evasion as a predicate offense to money laundering, the legal framework needs to be further strengthened and its effectiveness needs to be demonstrated. The authorities are fully committed to implementing the recommendations of the action plan agreed with the FATF and aim to be out of this list as soon as it is possible. Sustained efforts to enhance the anti-money laundering framework and tax transparency will be crucial to strengthen Panama’s position as a regional financial center.

“Sustaining inclusive growth over the medium term will require reinforcing the structural reform agenda, especially in education, social security and public health services. Further improvements in fiscal revenues and stricter expenditure controls will be required to improve macroeconomic management, create the necessary fiscal space to cover the cost of future reforms, and strengthen fiscal discipline. We encourage the authorities to upgrade the statistical framework to facilitate sound economic decision making at all levels of government.”

 

The mission is grateful to the authorities for their kind hospitality, excellent cooperation and open discussions.

 

[End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. This mission will not result in a Board discussion.]

 

imf data

 

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What Democrats are saying

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cecile
“Almost 100,000 women have given more than $200 to a presidential candidate so far during the 2020 presidential elections — nearly four times the number of women donors at this point in the 2016 elections.” Cecile Richards, photographed by Lorie Shaull.

Dem voices

 


 


 


 


 


 

 

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What Republicans are saying

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complete asshole

GOP voices

  


 

https://youtu.be/sURzUmW2iF8

 


 


 


 

 

 

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Bendib, Cold as ICE

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Bendid
by Khalil Bendib -- OtherWords
 

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Bernal, A criminal complaint

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erstwhile friends
Back when they were friends: Ramón Fonseca Mora, left, is an attorney and writer and at the start of Juan Carlos Varela’s presidency was minister without portfolio and presidential chief of staff. Then came The Panama Papers, a massive leak of documents from the Mossack Fonseca law firm, of which Fonseca was a founding partner. In the legal troubles that followed for Fonseca, Varela dismissed him and left him to his own devices, whereupon Fonseca alleged that Varela had taken millions from the hoodlum Brazilian company Odebrecht. Varela denied, but other witnesses and documents corroborated Fonseca’s story. Photo from the Varela campaign, way back when.

A citizens’ complaint

by Miguel Antonio Bernal

Using my rights as a citizen, along with attorney Sidney Sitton, we went before the Public Ministry as the law mandates, to file a complaint against Juan Carlos Varela Rodríguez, who for the last five years had served as President of the Republic of Panama.

The complaint is for the crimes of money laundering (Article 254 of the Penal Code); organize crime (Article 328-A of the Penal Code); conspiracy (Article 329 of the Penal Code); corruption of public officials (Article 345 of the Penal Code) and unjust enrichment while in public office (Article 351 of the Penal Code).

At the same time, we requested that judicial assistance be solicited from Brazil, China, the United States of America, Hong Kong and Switzerland, in order to determine and identify natural or legal persons with accounts or deposits linked or related to Odebrecht. There are many indications that link, to the former president Juan Carlos Varela, with Odebrecht and various companies under its dependence or domain.

We expressly asked the Public Ministry to order a ban on citizen Juan Carlos Varela Rodríguez from leaving the country, and to formal begin proceedings against him. It’s a secret to nobody who loves Panama that various declarations, testimonies, documents, etc., tie the former president to a whole chain of illegal acts perpetrated, in Panama, by said Odebrecht and various employees of this company.

As our Basis of Law we have invoked Law 11 of March 31, 2015 (Gaceta Oficial No. 27752 of April 1, 2015, the Penal Code and corresponding laws such as the International Conventions against Corruption of the UN and the OAS.

A few hours after the filing of the complaint, the Secretary of the Attorney General’s Office, Rolando Rodríguez, made public statements that denote inexcusable ignorance of and disloyalty to the law, by making disqualifying remarks against the complaint on television, playing an open role as a coverer and protector of the denounced. His performance confirms, once again, what public opinion shouts out loud: the Public Ministry is not at the service of the Constitution and Law, nor of citizens’ interests.

The time has come to demand clear accountability from Juan Carlos Varela Rodríguez and his front men. Jail for the corrupt! No to impunity!

 

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Balboa port strike into its seventh day

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The walkout begins on the afternoon of July 18. Union’s video from its Twitter account.

Port strike may become a sign of the times

by Eric Jackson

It’s far from the ordinary strike manifesto by a union that has an expired contract. Generally those are about pay, benefits and working conditions. Except for a demand about fixing up a rest area, there is none of that in SITRAVAAP’s July 17 missive. It’s about union recognition.

Last year Panama Ports, a subsidiary of the world’s largest seaports company, Hong Kong based CK Hutchison Holdings, tried to fire four employees at the Port of Balboa for labor activism, unilaterally raise the pay of a few employees, lower that of most others at the port and create its own bargaining partner. But Panama has a Labor Code that came into force when General Omar Torrijos ran Panama and moreover is a signatory to international labor rights treaties. What the company was trying to do flew in the face of that. The union went to court and appeared to have won an order that the company had to negotiate. Then the company filed a motion for a clarification, and the case has now been stalled in the Supreme Court for many months.

The company says it can’t negotiate while the matter is before the court, so after months of petitions and demonstrations, the union walked off of the job on July 18. The police moved in with a riot squad, allegedly to prevent vandalism or that sort of militant picketing that would keep non-striking employees from going to work. But most of the port workers have walked out, the company just can’t hire skilled crane workers off of the street and port activity has stalled. Some of the ships are taking their containers to ports in Colombia and putting them on trucks or railroad cars to get where they need to go.

The usual business groups are getting indignant about many millions of dollars of lost income for Panama. However,  most Panamanians don’t see any piece of that action and moreover, a bunch of legislators of President Cortizo’s Democratic Revolutionary Party say that they support the strikers. So will this PRD government be labor-friendly like the dictatorship of party founder Omar Torrijos, or will it be violently anti-labor like the 2004-2009 administration of the strongman’s son, former president Martín Torrijos?

The ports of Cristobal and Balboa were privatized under another PRD administration, the 1994-1999 shift of Ernesto Pérez Balladares. Hutchison put a lot of money into rebuilding those facilities and got special tax breaks. Other state concessionaires later demanded and for the most part got parity, which means that the government receives little from not only these two ports, but as a consequence also from other companies operating on state property or extracting state-owned mineral resources. The Cortizo administration has indicated that it will “review” both the ports concession and that of the copper mine in Donoso.

Look at the strike as a test case, both for the new administration and for Chinese investors, of what Panamanian labor policies will be like over these next few years.

 

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Mr. Mueller’s warning

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Mueller’s opening statement to the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence

Good afternoon Chairman Schiff, Ranking Member Nunes, and members of the Committee.

I testified this morning before the House Judiciary Committee. I ask that the opening statement I made before that Committee be incorporated into the record here.

I understand that this Committee has a unique jurisdiction, and that you are interested in further understanding the counter-intelligence implications of our investigation.

So let me say a word about how we handled the potential impact of our investigation on counter-intelligence matters.

As we explain in our report, the Special Counsel regulations effectively gave me the role of a US Attorney. As a result, we structured our investigation around evidence for possible use in prosecution of federal crimes. We did not reach what you would call “counter-intelligence conclusions.”

We did, however, set up processes in the office to identify and pass counter-intelligence information onto the FBI.

Members of our office periodically briefed the FBI about counter-intelligence information. In addition, there were agents and analysts from the FBI who were not on our team, but whose job it was to identify counter-intelligence information in our files and disseminate that information to the FBI.

For these reasons, questions about what the FBI has done with the counter-intelligence information obtained from our investigation should be directed to the FBI.

I also want to reiterate a few points that I made this morning. I am not making any judgments or offering opinions about the guilt or innocence in any pending case.

It is unusual for a prosecutor to testify about a criminal investigation, and given my role as a prosecutor, there are reasons why my testimony will necessarily be limited.

First, public testimony could affect several ongoing matters. In some of these matters, court rules or judicial orders limit the disclosure of information to protect the fairness of the proceedings. And consistent with longstanding Justice Department policy, it would be inappropriate for me to comment in any way that could affect an ongoing matter.

Second, the Justice Department has asserted privileges concerning investigative information and decisions, ongoing matters within the Justice Department, and deliberations within our office. These are Justice Department privileges that I will respect. The Department has released the letter discussing the restrictions on my testimony.

I therefore will not be able to answer questions about certain areas that I know are of public interest. For example, I am unable to address questions about the opening of the FBI’s Russia investigation, which occurred months before my appointment, or matters related to the so-called “Steele Dossier.” These matters are the subject of ongoing review by the Department. Any questions on these topics should therefore be directed to the FBI or the Justice Department.

Third, as I explained this morning, it is important for me to adhere to what we wrote in our report. The report contains our findings and analysis and the reasons for the decisions we made. We stated the results of our investigation with precision.

I do not intend to summarize or describe the results of our work in a different way in the course of my testimony today.

And as I stated in May, I also will not comment on the actions of the Attorney General or of Congress. I was appointed as a prosecutor, and I intend to adhere to that role and to the Department’s standards that govern it.

Finally, as I said this morning, over the course of my career, I have seen a number of challenges to our democracy. The Russian government’s effort to interfere in our election is among the most serious. I am sure that this Committee agrees.

~ ~

Meanwhile, the same day in the “Bernie Sanders is going to Win, President 2020” Facebook group:

 

troll 1

troll 2

For further reference, see:

https://www.cnbc.com/2019/07/23/nsa-says-election-trolls-gaining-traction.html

https://theconversation.com/propaganda-spewing-russian-trolls-act-differently-online-from-regular-people-100855

https://theconversation.com/amp/russian-twitter-trolls-stoke-anti-immigrant-lies-ahead-of-canadian-election-119144

https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/documents-link-afd-parliamentarian-to-moscow-a-1261509.html

 

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Editorial: Democrats and Ricky

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fuera Ricky
Puerto Ricans march to oust the governor. Photo from Twitter by Marcos Caballero.

Ricky Rosselló and the Democrats

Will this editorial be dated by the time that it has been fully written? Huge crowds are in the streets, on strike, blocking major roads, demanding the Puerto Rican governor’s “expulsion.” It seems as if his departure into ignominious history will come at any moment, sooner rather than later.

The two big rivals in Puerto Rican politics, until the tables just turned and one of them lost that status, were and arguably are both Democrats. San Juan’s mayor, Carmen Yulín Cruz, is the front runner for the nomination of the island’s Popular Democratic Party (PDP) for governor. Puerto Rico’s governor, Ricky Rosselló, was until his recent forced resignation of his party post, head of the island’s New Progressive Party (PNP). Almost all Puerto Ricans on the island who consider themselves Republicans align with the PNP, whose non-voting delegate in the US Congress caucuses with the Republicans. The small corporate wing of the island’s Democrats also tend to go with the PNP. In the PDP there are those who consider US politics a colonial abstraction not worthy of much attention, but those party members who more dearly value their American citizenship are almost all Democrats.

Rosselló’s people are big ones for rigged votes. The arranged for the election of officers process of the Puerto Rican chapter of the Democratic Party to proceed without notice to the PDP member Democrats. They called a referendum on statehood that was worded to insult all other factions and was boycotted by everyone but the PNP – so the 23 percent of Puerto Ricans who showed up at the polls were nearly unanimous in favor even though by all objective measures there is not and never has been a majority on the island for statehood.

The DNC hailed Rosselló, his referendum and his Puerto Rican Democratic Party leadership slate. So long as oligarchs win – Rosselló is one of the richest Puerto Ricans – that qualifies as “democratic” to some. But the Rosselló slate within the Democratic Party began to fall apart early on. The co-chair of Hillary Clinton’s finance council, leading PNP figure and expensive campaign consultant Francisco Domenech was forced to resign from the DNC after his arrest on domestic violence charges. And now the world has these chat records of sexist, homophobic, bullying good old boys with the governor as their ringleader.

Rosselló says that although the chats were inappropriate, they were not criminal and he should not have to step down as governor. But a group of local law professors points out that those messages suggest financial crimes and the laundering of the proceeds, and the leak came just about a week after the arrest of several persons, including two former top members of the Rosselló cabinet, for allegedly misappropriating more than $15 million.

Perhaps even worse, the mayor told the truth about a Hurricane Maria death toll that ran into the thousands, while Rosselló for a long time gave Donald Trump the number 64 to use, and only belatedly and incompletely admitted that the number was grossly low. A Harvard study estimates the death toll at 4,645. Even as the death toll lie and its exposure were unfolding, Rosselló’s appointees gave the contract to restore electricity to the island to a three-person start-up company owned by a prominent Trump supporter. (The deal was ridiculous and had to be rescinded.) So now in the chat leaks, we find the governor and his inner circle joking about the hurricane death toll and damage.

So do Democrats need to veer right to beat the right? Do we need to go with the donor base? Do we need to put the most expensive consultants money can buy on the DNC? Do we need people to reach across the aisle and accommodate Republicans? The corporate wing of the party did that in the case of Puerto Rico and the people there got Ricky Rosselló.

We shall see the extent that Yulín is vindicated. She’s running for governor and she’s one of the four Bernie Sanders campaign co-chairs. She has DNC members vilifying her, for specifically what they won’t say. The things that Ricky’s good old boys say? Never mind. That crowd is an unreliable source.

 

MLK
Martin Luther King Jr. quotation. Photo by the 25th Air Force.

 

Bear in mind…

 

You don’t have to wait for the train, you have to make the train come.

Clara González

 

Sometimes I wonder if men and women really suit each other. Perhaps they should just live next door and just visit now and then.

Katharine Hepburn

 

Behind every great fortune there is a crime.

Honoré de Balzac

 

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