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Does the Gallero case open the way for the Panameñistas to repeat?

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da goods
Prosecution trophy pics: the alleged contraband.
da rides
Prosecution trophy pics: some of the wheels.

PRD, Martinelli, police and high court touched by Los Santos racketeering busts

by Eric Jackson

After a year of investigations that included widespread wiretapping and the infiltration of undercover agents, on September 24 police and prosecutors made their move. Eleven people were arrested, most prominently La Villa de Los Santos Mayor Eudocio “Pany” Pérez. Also arrested were a National Police major, a low-ranking police agent and the mayor’s top aide. On the “private side” of those arrested were a man whom authorities had seen before, cockfighting establishment (gallero) owner and alleged ringleader Manuel Antonio “Tony” Domínguez Walker, his father and stepfather, a 70-year-old retiree on a $660 a month pension who was the front man for a fabulous fleet of cars, and a well-connected 32-year-old lawyer and construction equipment rental company owner said to have been the group’s logistics mastermind.

The allegation is that Tony Domínguez’s cockfighting business, which also during Carnival times staged various events and spectacles in partnership with some of the other defendants and sometimes in association with noteworthy entertainers and athletes, was a drug running front. The apparent bigger part of it was a leg of a Colombia to North America drug smuggling route wherein drugs would come ashore on the beaches of Los Santos and be moved overland to Costa Rica and handed off to other organizations to be on their way. It appears that when drug routes shifted away from Panama the gang was into other ventures that include more retail racketeering. Seized in the raids were 2.1 tons of drugs — mainly cocaine and marijuana — more than $800,000 in cash, two submachine guns and a fleet of 18 vehicles, four of them with hidden compartments for smuggling, some of them quite expensive.

Prosecutors’ allegations are perhaps best read between the lines with an eye to things seemingly sensationalized and other data apparently downplayed or ignored but reported in other sources. These are not international cartel kingpins.

Damning for Pany, if the statements are not fabricated, are Tony’s stated ambitions to promote the mayor’s political fortunes. Pany Pérez is a member of the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) National Executive Committee, serving as first undersecretary under the acknowledged party leader, legislator and secretary general Pedro Miguel González. González and another PRD notable, former labor minister Mitchell Doens, attended the mayor’s bail hearings. Pérez got house arrest rather than preventive detention from Judge Josefa Monfante, which prosecutors say they will appeal.

There are or will be denials all the way around, but Tony Domínguez was previously known to the justice system and some of those ties could harm the PRD, Ricardo Martinelli’s Cambio Democratico party and two magistrates of the Supreme Court. There are unlikely to be any legal consequences for the ties, but public perceptions and political fallout are other calculations. In 2010 Domínguez was arrested on money laundering charges along with two Colombian alleged drug traffickers. Zulay Rodríguez, now a legislator and head of the PRD women’s branch, is by many accounts the front runner for the 2019 PRD presidential nomination. Back then she was an alternate judge and she got the case of Tony Domínguez and the two Colombians. She granted bail to the three suspects, although at the time the law prohibited bail in drug cases. The Colombians disappeared but Domínguez stuck around long enough to have his bail revoked and be sent back to jail. Zulay Rodríguez was removed from the bench — some accounts, never confirmed, said at the urging of the American Embassy — and haled before prosecutors for questioning. However, she was never charged with any crime.

On his way out of office in the middle of 2014 Ricardo Martinelli pardoned Domínguez, who had not been tried and convicted. That’s one of the arguably illegal pardons for which Martinelli has been charged with a crime. The pardons were revoked but in any case the courts threw out the charges against Domínguez, in the final instance by a decision signed by the Supreme Court’s current presiding magistrate José Ayú Prado, his rival and fellow Martinelli appointee on the court Harry Díaz and soon-to-retire magistrate Jerónimo Mejía, a Martín Torrijos appointee.

National Police Major Luis Omar Alvarez Martínez was in the third rung of the police command structure, working in the force’s Panama Canal division. It would be a key position that smugglers would want to have under their control. He was ordered separated from the force and held in jail pending trial of this case. A 24-year-old police agent was also ordered held without bail, notwithstanding his lawyer’s argument that the evidence does not support the drug smuggling charge against him. According to defense counsel, all that is alleged is that her client buried a shipment of drugs that came ashore, pending its exhumation and further land transport. Burying the drugs, the argument went, does not equal the transporting of them needed to make out a smuggling charge. Desperate arguments like that aside, the police involvement was likely greater than so far revealed, with a National Police spokesperson saying that more officers are involved and will be arrested. So far nothing has been made public about further arrests of law enforcement people.

Another set of government ties that raises more questions than are now answered or even posed centers around Roxana Lisbeth Norato Samaniego. From 2005 until 2012 she worked in the human rights department of the national ombudsman’s office (Defensoria del Pueblo). The ties her subsequent construction equipment rental business may have had as a subcontractor for public works projects remains to be explored. In the private economy upscale construction projects often have many money laundering ties even if police and prosecutor hardly ever look into them. In any case the Public Ministry accuses Norato of being the logistics mastermind of the ring’s smuggling operations, but the judge gave her house arrest rather than preventive detention. Prosecutors are appealing that decision.

Perhaps if questions of which defendants did business with whom and when are pursued the circle of those implicated could get much wider. But at the moment the Operacion Gallero affair touches two of the country’s three major parties — the PRD and CD — while it does not implicate President Varela’s Panameñista Party. Hence allegations of a partisan set-up.

So does this embarrassment of the PRD, and to a lesser extent the already severely discredited Cambio Democratico, open the way for the Panameñistas to retain the presidency in 2019? Although there is time for things to change, and although Varela’s personal approval rating is up slightly — to about 37 percent according to Dichter & Neira — both history and polls suggest that there is little chance of any break with the post-invasion practice of voting the party holding the presidency out of that office. But if not the Panameñistas, and not the PRD, and not CD, then what? Look for major party candidates to cast themselves as outsiders. Perhaps an independent will come from out of the blue into serious contention. Maybe some event will alter all calculations. But even if all accusations are proven to be true, Operacion Gallero is unlikely to deliver a new Panameñista president in 2019.

 

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Breaking: Martinelli may be back in Panama and in custody at any moment

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IL Duce
Photo that Martinelli had taken of himself when he was president.

Ricardo Martinelli’s habeas corpus plea turned down by the US Supreme Court

by Eric Jackson, from online reports

In a summary opinion issued by Justice Clarence Thomas, the US Supreme Court has rejected former Panamanian President Ricardo Martinelli’s habeas corpus petition against the extradition that has been ordered by Federal Magistrate Edwin G. Torres. The high court took up the matter on September 25, and as it must have appeared to Martinelli’s lawyers that they would lose, they filed a new habeas corpus motion with the US District Court in Miami on September 28.

The unanimous Supreme Court decision was announced on October 2. Like a great many last minute death penalty appeals in the face of an execution date, Martinelli’s new motion — based on a specious argument that US magistrates have no jurisdiction in extradition cases — could be rejected all the way up the US judicial system within a matter of hours or days. Earlier Justice Thomas had rejected Martinelli’s appeal of a decision denying him bail.

Perhaps courts in the United States will humor the man, but endless frivolous motions are not looked upon benevolently as part of the practice of law in the United States as is generally the case in Panama. Motions interposed for the purpose of delay are considered breaches of legal ethics there, although serious penalties are rarely imposed for that. So although Martinelli may have more days in the USA, he might not. Look for him to be led off of a plane at a Panamanian airport in handcuffs at any moment.

Once in Panama Martinelli would face trial by the Supreme Court, which is still dominated by his appointees. The underlying charge in this case is about the electronic surveillance of some 150 people, and secondarily of all the persons caught in conversations — emails, phone calls, sounds picked up when computers or smart phones were remotely turned into bugging devices — with the targets of the former president’s curiosity. There are a number of other criminal charges pending against Martinelli, other complaints which the high court here has not decided whether to accept or reject, and potential new charges as well. The former president and other accused members of his entourage are trying to defeat prosecutors by endless delays that run the cases past statute of limitations deadlines.

 

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Unidos en la conservación del Pacífico Tropical Oriental

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mapa

Panamá y Colombia unidos en la conservación del Pacífico Tropical Oriental

por Sonia Tejada — STRI

En el año 2015, el Gobierno de la República de Panamá en colaboración científica con el Instituto Smithsonian de Investigaciones Tropicales (STRI), oficializó la creación de dos áreas marinas protegidas – Bajo Volcán en el Caribe y Cordillera de Coiba en el Pacífico – incrementando el patrimonio acuático protegido en nuestro país de 3.7% a 13.5%. Las dos nuevas áreas marinas protegidas se extendieron hasta el límite de las zonas económicas. El 14 de septiembre, este país vecino formalizó la ampliación del Santuario de Flora y Fauna de Malpelo y además creó el Distrito Nacional de Manejo Integrado Yuruparí-Malpelo. Gracias a la estrecha cooperación entre Fundación Malpelo de Colombia, uno de los impulsores de la iniciativa en Colombia, y científicos de STRI estas tres áreas ahora cubren a una superficie aproximada de 70,822.41 km² (7,082,241 hectáreas).

Este logro es de suma relevancia porque promueve trabajar regionalmente en un fin común: mejorar el manejo y protección de recursos marinos de alta conectividad biológica que no reconocen límites políticos. El nuevo corredor de montañas submarinas, enmarcadas por las áreas marinas protegidas de Cordillera de Coiba, el Santuario de Fauna y Flora Malpelo y del Distrito Nacional de Manejo Integrado (DNMI) Yuruparí-Malpelo, mejora la conectividad con el Parque Nacional Coiba, ubicado cerca del continente. Tanto el Santuario de Fauna y Flora Malpelo como el Parque Nacional Coiba son reconocidos como Sitios de Patrimonio Mundial por la UNESCO. En general, se logró proteger un área geográfica importante para favorecer la conservación de un gran número de especies altamente migratorias como tiburones, ballenas, delfines, picudos, incluidas especies de importancia comercial, como los atunes. De igual forma, protege la alta diversidad de especies de organismos asociados al fondo y la productividad característica de las montañas submarinas.

En rueda de prensa el presidente de Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, declaró: “La ampliación de Malpelo se complementa con el Área Marítima Protegida de la Cordillera de Coiba, en Panamá. Se unieron esfuerzos para consolidar un área marina binacional y así poder garantizar la conectividad de los sistemas.”

“Ya los científicos de ambos países estamos planeando expediciones para estudiar la productividad del área de forma integral, la biodiversidad de aguas profundas y pelágicas, al igual que el magnetismo a lo largo de estas cordilleras” informó el Dr. Hector Guzmán, biólogo marino de STRI. Esto presenta un nuevo reto en el manejo pesquero binacional debido a que en la Cordillera de Coiba y el DNMI se permite la pesca regulada. Resaltó también que este corredor de montañas y cordilleras submarinas en aguas abiertas establece biológica y geológicamente y de forma oficial la primera Migravía binacional del Océano Pacifico Oriental, idea impulsada por científicos de la región pertenecientes a la Red MigraMar.

 

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Editorials, Guns here and there; and Panama’s character

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Dingbats
General Noriega’s Dignity Battalions (CODEPADI) militia, a lot of whom were government workers, some of whom were thugs (and some, both). Automatic weapons were distributed in great numbers to these folks before the 1989 US invasion. When the attack began some fought bravely and well, but overall they did not amount to a significant military force. After the invasion many of their weapons were used in a great national crime wave and that experience informs Panamanian attitudes about guns.

Can we get down to reality about guns?

Gun LAWS, and gun POLICIES — those are complicated things about which to argue in the USA. They are much less complicated in Panama.

Would someone want to impose Panamanian gun restrictions on US society? To be fully enforced it would involve removing weapons from tens of millions of households, and a head-on challenge to a long-standing body of law.

We had a vice minister who started was US gun seller advertising talk in Panama, a man who said that more and more powerful weapons in public circulation here would make the country and its citizens safer. He found a little bit of libertarian support, but to most Panamanians he seemed to be something of a nut case, his ideas about our gun policies were rejected and when he was removed there were no demonstrations in his favor.

Let’s get down to basic facts, after which we can marshall other facts and invoke philosophies for arguments that can go all sorts of ways

A firearm in the house does not make the members of the household safer. It makes it a more dangerous living situation. This is statistically shown in many countries, in settings both urban and rural, in high crime areas and in places without much of that sort of social problem.

The notion that if everyone can carry a gun then crime is reduced because a criminal gunman will be shot down by a non-criminal gunman is false. Sometimes it happens that way, but quite rarely. In Las Vegas, where the gun lobby has managed to get Nevada gun laws pretty much as it wants them to be, most of the 30,000 people at that concert had a right to carry a gun and surely some of them did. Nobody in that crowd shot back at the sniper. That’s in line with the experience of almost all mass shootings everywhere.

Do people involved in dangerous businesses need guns for protection? Many are the tales of armed gangsters shot dead. The safe thing is to stay away from the rackets, not to go about an armed life of crime.

Take the “for protection” argument out of consideration. It’s a delusion.

Beyond those basic facts we can freely debate whether Jesus Christ would want a senator who waves a pistol onstage at his campaign stops, or whether the Las Vegas sniper’s right to ear protection by silencers on his weapons should have been superior to his targets’ ability to hear what was going on and seek cover.

Set all that lunacy aside and still many jurisdictions, Panama included, might argue about the value of firearms hunting seasons. Panamanians in particular might want to talk about a constitution that calls for a militia commanded by the police in lieu of a military force, and what that implies about ordinary citizens’ ability to use and maintain weapons. Gun laws, and gun policies, actually are complicated questions.

But let us consider such questions without fallacies that are propagated for the purpose of selling guns.

 

Is it about the books that we consider holy?

Panama, a small country of modest wealth, has sent assistance to our Mexican and Caribbean neighbors in distress because of natural disasters.

Is it because we are a Christian country? Nominally, we are mostly Catholic, with many Evangelicals, thriving Jewish, Muslim and Hindu communities, denominations of still more faiths, and a large and undercounted group of non-religious individuals and families. It’s noteworthy that the private business most often mentioned in stories of Panama’s relief efforts is mostly Jewish-owned.

Panama is The Crossroads of The World, with many sorts of influences. If there is something universal about ordinary human decency, we are affected by it. And so we answer the call to help neighbors in distress. We are not divided by faith or philosophy when it comes to this part of our national character. This is who Panamanians are.

 

Bear in mind…

 

It is better to know some of the questions than all of the answers.
James Thurber

 

The reason the Christians have murdered on such a vast scale and killed anyone and everyone in their way is purely and simply greed.
Bartolomé de las Casas

 

Better remain silent, better not even think, if you are not prepared to act.
Annie Besant

 

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Legislative stall and hide

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ACP trophy pic
Trophy photo with a character missing: showing off the Panama Canal Authority budget that was finally passed, with the president of the National Assembly, Yanibel Ábrego, not in the picture. Beset by multiple scandals, she’s keeping a low profile. She did, however, find the time for a photo of herself cutting the ribbon for a new legislative cafeteria. Photo by the Asamblea Nacional.

Now into the last month of a National Assembly session, legislators stall

by Eric Jackson

Hey, they took a field trip to the farmers’ market down the street, cut the ribbon on a new cafeteria for themselves, sponsored a sparsely attended seminar on social responsibility, mostly ignored a suplente’s plea for a low carbon emissions policy and let the students take over their chambers for a day. They even endorsed a walk-a-thon against breast and prostate cancer. What more could you ask of a busy legislature?

The National Assembly, like the other branches of government, is mired in scandal. Most prominent of all, but by no means the greater part of it there is the matter of Odebrecht. This company gave at least $20,000 to the president of the National Assembly, Yanibel Ábrego. Neither she nor her colleagues raised any questions about the billions of dollars of overpriced public works contracts that went that Brazilian-based company’s way, generally via no-bid or rigged-bid procedures. Yanibel’s not available to talk about that.

Last March, a legislative subcommittee was appointed to look into what might be done to reduce government corruption. The head of that subcommittee, PRD deputy Elias Castillo, is fingered by a jailed executive of road contractor Transcaribe Trading SA as having taken $10,000 from that company. Castillo had his suplente answer the questions about that — it was a “donation,” so the plea went, so that makes it OK.

In August Panameñista deputy Jorge Alberto Rosas was obliged to resign as head of the legislature’s Credentials Committee, which would hear bribery cases against a Supreme Court magistrate, the president or a member of the president’s cabinet, when a both a former Odebrecht lawyer turned state’s evidence (in Spain) and someone who was a lawyer in Rosas’s firm revealed that Rosas received more than $3 million for setting up companies and bank accounts for the rogue Brazilian company’s international bribery and money laundering operations. At the end of September Rosa spoke to La Estrella about the case. It wasn’t as if those millions of dollars in Odebrecht money went into his pocket, Rosas pleaded. It was being moved through him from one Odebrecht account to another. That’s awfully close to an admission of money laundering to avoid a perception of bribery, and we are expected to believe that he did this without compensation or further understandings for a corporate client.

(What’s this about a legislator moonlighting as a lawyer? Isn’t there a rule against legislators running private businesses on the side while serving in the National Assembly? Yes there is, but the deputies voted to exempt the attorneys in their midst from that rule.)

The litany could continue to touch almost every member of the legislature. But fear not! There are a half-dozen proposed anti-corruption laws in the hopper. Plus, President Varela has promised to send five more such to the National Assembly.

However, this is October and at the end of this month the legislative session ends. All things unpassed die, although they might be raised again in another session. With most of the bills offered by individual deputies such a death appears to be the intention. As in, politicians who took from Odebrecht or TCT, or who helped themselves to public assets, or who put their kids on the government payroll or their names on public property will say that they TRIED to uphold the rule of law but it got lost in the shuffle. Varela’s proposals have yet to be seen and his campaign took millions from Odebrecht. It seems unlikely that he’ll want to put himself front an center in any real anti-corruption debate. Thus it’s a good bet that neither whatever the president had in mind, nor the legislator-proposed protections for government-employed whistleblowers, requirements for public employees to disclose their sources of income from the years prior to their going on the public payroll, review of the legislature’s own contracts, rewards for witnesses who come forward with information that leads to convictions for public corruption and so on will go anywhere before the month runs out everything turns into pumpkins. In any case, no committee hearings have been scheduled for any of the legislators’ anti-corruption proposals.

There is, however, one proposal before the legislature by petition, an amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedure that would abolish the statute of limitations for public corruption crimes. Jorge Alberto Rosas was on the subcommittee to deal with that one. First he proposed to dismiss the petition because only legislators or the other branches of government should propose new laws. Then he suggested a substitute that would delay and gut the proposal. Then, under harsh public criticism, he resigned from the subcommittee.

Will the legislature find a way to deep-six the proposal? If they do that, rather than pass it in watered down form, they run the risk of provoking an unprecedented petition drive that puts a law on the ballot for a referendum. The list of signers of such a thing would be something that every politician running on a reform platform would crave. The end run around the current political scheme that’s dominated by party bosses would not be something that the political caste wants to see. So there is a chance that some change to the statute of limitations for public corruption crimes will be debated and passed by the legislature this month.

 

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US Consulate in Panama no longer handles Social Security issues

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US Embassy in Panama

Consular Section: Federal Benefits Unit

Routine Message for US Citizens

September 29, 2017

Starting on Monday, October 2, 2017, Embassy Panama Federal Benefits Unit will cease performing most Social Security Administration-related federal benefit services.
This change is occurring because the Bureau of Consular Affairs and the Social Security Administration (SSA) are updating our Interagency Agreement, which outlines services that most Consular Sections at US embassies can perform on behalf of SSA.
SSA requires all beneficiaries and most applicants living overseas to contact the specially-designated Federal Benefits Units (FBUs) abroad that are best equipped to handle such inquiries. Because of the changes, the FBU designated for Panama will now be the US Embassy in Costa Rica.
These changes are not expected to affect other federal benefits services
For information on SSA services that FBU-Panama can continue to perform after October 2, please visit our webpage at https://pa.usembassy.gov/u-s-citizen-services/federal-benefits-unit/.
Information regarding Social Security applications or benefits which can be processed at Embassy Costa Rica FBU can be found at https://cr.usembassy.gov/u-s-citizen-services/social-security/.

 

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Avnery, A tale of two stories

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Har Adar
Arab workers now banned from Har Adar, built where two Palestinian villages were confiscated and demolished. In the wake of the shooting Israeli soldiers arrested 15 people in retaliation.

A Tale of Two Stories

by Uri Avnery

This is the story: at 7 o’clock in the morning, an Arab approaches the gate of Har Adar, a settlement close to the Green Line near the Israeli-Arab village of Abu Ghosh.

The man is a “good Arab.” A good Arab with a work permit in the settlement. He lives in the nearby West Bank Arab village of Beit Surik. He received a work permit there because he fits all the criteria — he is 37 years old, married and father of four children. The inhabitants of Har Adar know him well, because he has been cleaning their homes for years.

This Tuesday morning he arrived at the gate as usual. But something aroused suspicion among the guards. He was wearing a jacket, though the weather was quite hot on this early autumn day. The guards asked him to remove his jacket.

Instead, the man took out a loaded pistol and shot three of the guards in the head at close range — two civilian guards and a member of the semi-military Border Guards. One of the victims was himself an Arab. Another security officer, the local commander of the guards, was severely wounded. Since the assailant had never received military training, the precision of his shots was astounding. The pistol had been stolen 15 years ago.

All Israel was shocked. How could this happen? A good Arab like this? An Arab with permits? Why would he do such a thing in a place where he was well liked and well treated? Where he played with the children? And that after he was thoroughly vetted by the Security Service, which has innumerable Arab spies and is considered well-nigh infallible?

Something extraordinary must have happened. Someone must have incited him against the Jews and the nice people of Har Adar, who had treated him so well. Perhaps the UN speech by Mahmoud Abbas. Or perhaps some secret contacts with Hamas. “Incitement!” cried Binyamin Netanyahu.

But then another fact emerged, which explained everything. The man had quarreled with his wife. He had beaten her up, and she had escaped to her family in Jordan, leaving the four children behind.

So, obviously, he had become temporarily unhinged. In a state of mental derangement he had forgotten the kindness of the Har Adar people. Just a unique case, that need not trouble us further.

But it all shows that you can’t trust the Arabs. They are a bunch of murderers. You cannot make peace with them until they change completely. So we must keep the occupied territories.

That is the story. But there is another story, too. The story as seen by the man himself.

From his home in neighboring Beit Surik, the man — whose name was, by the way, Nimr (“leopard”) Mahmoud Ahmed al-Jamal — could see Har Adar from his home every day when he woke up. For him, as for every Arab, it was a flourishing Jewish settlement, built on expropriated Arab land. Like his own village, it belonged to the Palestinian West Bank which is occupied territory.

He had to get up in the darkness of the night in order to get to Har Adar on time — 7.00 o’clock in the morning — and work hard until late in the night, arriving home at about 10 o’clock. This is the lot of tens of thousands of Arab laborers. They may look friendly, especially when their livelihood depends on it. They may even be really friendly to benevolent masters. But deep in their hearts they cannot forget for a moment that they are cleaning the toilets of the Jews who came to Arab Palestine and occupied their homeland.

Since most of the agricultural land of their villages has been expropriated for Jewish settlements, they have no choice but to work in these low-status jobs. There is no industry to speak of in the West Bank. Wages are minimal, often below the legal minimum wage in Israel proper (some 1500 dollars per month). Since they have no choice, they are not far from being slaves. Like the nice slaves in “Gone with the Wind.”

Such a man may be at peace with this reality, but if something bad happens, he may suddenly become upset with his status and decide to become a martyr. Nimr left behind a letter in which he defended his wife and absolved her from any responsibility for the deed he had planned for the next day.

So these are the two stories, which have very little in common.

The people of Har Adar are completely shocked. Since they live 20 minutes drive from Jerusalem, they do not consider themselves settlers at all, but Israelis like any other. They don’t really see the Arabs all around them as people like themselves, but as primitive natives.

The Har Adar people are not like the fanatical, religious and nearly fascist people in some settlements. Far from it. Har Adar people vote for all parties, including Meretz, the left-wing Zionist party which advocates the return of the occupied territories to the Palestinians. This is not seen as including Har Adar, of course, since there is a consensus among Zionists, right and left, that the settlements close to the Green Line should be annexed to Israel.

Har Adar people can rightly be proud of their achievements. From the air, the place looks very orderly. It has 3858 inhabitants. Their average income is about 5000 dollars a month, well over the national Israeli average (some 3000 dollars). Their local council is the third most efficient in the entire country.

Located in the mountainous area around Jerusalem, it has a beautiful landscape. It also has man-made amenities: a library, a youth club, a skate-park and an amphitheater that seats 720 people. Even for an average Israeli, this is paradise. For the Arabs around, who cannot enter without a special permit, it is a perpetual reminder of their national disaster.

Of course, like other settlements, Har Adar is not located on land that was empty. It occupies the location on which stood a village called Hirbat Nijam, a village which already stood there in Persian-Hellenistic times, some 2500 years ago. Like most Palestinian villages, they were Canaanite, then Judean, then Hellenist, then Byzantine, then Muslim, then crusader, then Mameluk, then Ottoman, then Palestinian — without the population ever changing. Until 1967.

When Nimr was born, all this long history was long forgotten. What remained was the reality of the Israeli occupation.

This now looks like the normal state of things. The members of Har Adar are happy, feeling secure and well guarded by the efficient Security Service, the Border Guard and local mercenaries, mostly Arab citizens of Israel. Neighbors like Nimr seem content, and probably are, if they are lucky enough to have a job and a work permit, even with pitiful wages. The historical grudge lies deeply buried within their consciousness.

And then something happens, something that may be quite irrelevant — like the escape of his wife to Jordan — to bring it all up. Nimr the lowly laborer suddenly becomes Nimr the freedom-fighter, Nimr the martyr on his way to paradise. All his village respects his sacrifice and his family.

Israelis are furious that the families of “martyrs” are paid an allowance by the Palestinian Authority. Binyamin Netanyahu accuses Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) of incitement to murder with these payments. But it is quite impossible for Abbas to annul them — the outrage reaction of his people would be tremendous. Martyrs are holy, their families respected.

The day after Nimr’s dastardly terrorist act and/or heroic martyrdom, a grandiose national ceremony took place in another settlement.

All the country’s major dignitaries, led by the President and the Prime Minister, assembled to commemorate the 50tth anniversary of “our return to our homeland, Judea and Samaria, the Jordan Valley and the Golan Heights.”

Missing in the list is the Gaza Strip, which Israel has evacuated, leaving behind a tight land and sea blockade aided by Egypt. In the Strip there are about two million Palestinians. Who the hell wants them?

All hell broke loose when the President of the Supreme Court, who was supposed to send a judge to represent the court at this ceremony, canceled his attendance because of the highly propagandist style of the event. She decided that this is party propaganda, in which her court would not take part.

Altogether, not a day of quiet in this country, a state without borders and without a constitution, where every story has two totally different sides, where nice and quiet people suddenly become raging martyrs.

There will be no quiet until there is peace, with each of the two peoples living in their own state, a situation where real friendship has a chance of blooming.

 

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Profesores de INAC protestan — hay un piqueteo en lunes

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lewd pulsating jungle rhythms
La gente de INAC. Foto por INAC.

Profesores de INA protestan

comunicado de lose profesores de las escuelas de arte de INAC

“El compromiso por el desarrollo y mejortamiento de la cultura nacional, su accionar educativo formativo y academico, asi como su proyeccion en tods sus formas y ambitos deberia ser el norte y ruta a seguir decualquiera institucion que se digne decir la encargada de velar y promover la cultura en panama- sentimos que este rumbo no se esta llevando a cabo ni siquiera considerando para el mas comun y humilde de los panameños”.

Por las respuestas al pliego de peticiones con 21 puntos entregados al INAC, MEDUCA y Presidente de la Republica (hace más de 2 años), y del cual se desprenden muchas soluciones a los males que aquejan e interrumpen el normal y correcto desarrollo cultural de este país.

La crisis educativa no tiene solución solo a lo interno del apartado institucional del INAC y refleja una ruptura general del régimen político partidocratico incapaz de solventar, gestionar y respetar los derechos del ciudadano. Con esta urge un cambio político institucional profundo y meridiano para poder decir que se supera este abismal problema que afecta todo el país.

Por una verdadera justicia laboral que asegure el cumplimiento de los acuerdos en materia laboral, ya sea por asuntos de pagos atrasados, deudas pendientes o derechos incumplidos.

Por el mejoramiento de las infraestructuras y condiciones de los centros, escuelas e institutos para así poder y decir que se alcanza los logros educativos con calidad integral en las artes de este país.
Por una verdadera evaluación integral del sistema educativo de las escuelas, centros e institutos de Bellas Artes, no punitiva y que responda a la realidad del país permitiendo un diagnóstico preciso y una efectiva investigación socioeducativa para la planificación de políticas públicas.

Por qué los debidos procesos de la Ley Orgánica de Educación se lleven a cabo de una manera coherente sin violentarla y aplicarla de manera positiva, llevando a cabo una integración MEDUCA/INAC como se debe para que todos los procesos fluyan de manera positiva y factibles.

 

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¿Wappin? Mezcla Unida / United Mix

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La gran vergüenza de América pronunció. Ya los músicos están uniendo con tanta gente común para hacer su trabajo. ~ America’s great embarrassment spoke. Now musicians are joining with so many ordinary people to do his job.

Conjuntos / Together

Mezcla bilingüe y de generaciones ~ Bilingual and inter-generational mix

David Bowie – Heroes
https://youtu.be/C2vYFjVj1Jw

Diana Fuentes & Gente de Zona – La Vida Me Cambió
https://youtu.be/WnAGCbKSDFA

Luis Fonsi – No Me Doy Por Vencido
https://youtu.be/8hRGBcr_gJc

Jefferson Airplane – When The Earth Moves Again
https://youtu.be/KnnXKsZbTUo

Corrida de AMLO
https://youtu.be/W_zThG8YKhc

Nicky Jam – Hasta El Amanecer
https://youtu.be/dAKuI7l2j3A

Marvin Gaye – What’s going on
https://youtu.be/D5UP_fViUyA

Haydée y Pablo Milanés – Para vivir
https://youtu.be/icVs9bjxEvo

Martha and the Vandellas – Nowhere to Run
https://youtu.be/RQRIOKvR2WM

Prince Royce – La Carretera
https://youtu.be/aIJUAE2Bkso

Ulices Chaidez y sus Plebes – Andamos en el Ruedo
https://youtu.be/HsIANM1WGXA

Johnny Cash – What is Truth
https://youtu.be/S0KQWTBljjg

Shakira & Maluma – Chantaje
https://youtu.be/6Mgqbai3fKo

Tom Petty And The Heartbreakers – I Won’t Back Down
https://youtu.be/nvlTJrNJ5lA

León Larregui – Mar
https://youtu.be/bZG2qxPaS-A

Rómulo Castro – La Rosa de los Vientos
https://youtu.be/QUoV65mVgss

Stevie Wonder – A Wonder Summer’s Night (full concert)
https://youtu.be/9dB9ZyXtXlQ

 

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Bernal, Odebrecht’s perfume

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bwahahahaha!
Le Parfum: Wikimedia photo from the French movie.

Odebrecht’s perfume

by Miguel Antonio Bernal

The stench that the rot of corruption produces in Panamanian public institutions reaches levels never sniffed in our country in recent decades.

Thanks to impunity and the ineptitude of top officials, our country sails upon dangerous waters. It allows us to presage a sinking under the waves of violence to be generated. This is the product of policies that break down the functions of the Public Ministry and cover up the actions of the mega-criminal enterprise Odebrecht, the offspring of the Attorney General’s office and its leadership.

Patrick Suskind, in his novel “Perfume: The Story of a Murderer,” brilliantly tells us pf the life of Jean-Baptiste Grenouille, who lived in France in the eighteenth century and was “one of the most genial and abominable men of an era in which the abominable and genial men were not scarce.”

The German writer tells us that at the time of his story “there was a stench in the cities hardly conceivable for modern man. The streets stank of manure, the interior courtyards stank of urine, the stairwells of rotting wood and rat droppings. kitchens with rotten cabbage and mutton fat. The unventilated rooms stank of moldy dust, the bedrooms, greasy sheets, damp duvets, and the sweet, sweet smell of the urinals … Men and women stank of sweat and dirty clothes, in their mouths infected teeth stank, breaths smelled like onions and bodies, when they were no longer young, with stale cheese, sour milk and rumors of evil … “

Jean Baptiste Grenouille produced a rare perfume that subjugated the will of the one who smelled it. Thanks to his marvel he obtained the favor of high society and control over the powerful. In our times Odebrecht has emulated Suskind’s character, has managed, with its bribes, to seduce our authorities and turn them into concealers of the stench of their crimes against our country.

 

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