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CUCO, An open letter to President Cortizo

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usual suspects

Panama, September 7, 2021

Mr. Laurentino Cortizo Cohen.

President of the Republic of Panama.

Mr. President: You should know, better than anyone, that the current situation in the country is extremely delicate. The crisis is comprehensive and deep. Its impact on the economy and health, despite having been devastating, continues to accentuate and the worst. It is the unprecedented deterioration of the government’s institutions, with an indiscriminate increase in violence, crime and collective insecurity. By virtue of which, among the citizenry, more than uncertainty, there is a deep concern for the future in the short and medium term, due to the absolute lack of serious initiatives aimed at putting a stop to corruption, impunity, waste of public resources and the disproportionate and irresponsible increase in indebtedness — among others of the many mistakes – of authorities who seem to act more as part of a joint criminal enterprise at the service of class interests.

Although there is no foreign war or internal disturbance, the existing state of general upheaval is widespread in society, economically devastating and uncontrollable. It’s an incontrovertible reality, a direct result of the application of extraordinary measures by exception, lacking legal support in the constitutional system, which constitute a serious threat to peace and social stability and which, in addition, could generate undesirable and unjustifiable consequences. That is why we urge you to assume the duty of a statesman, who with a vision of the future and commitment to future generations acts to safeguard the sovereignty and integrity of the nation. Today Panama is seriously threatened by the greed of a few, in collusion with stateless locals blinded by the desire for wealth, illicit and immoral in equal measure. Resort to the only source capable of conferring legitimacy on the exercise of public power, which today is unfortunately compromised. Convene, in short order, a constitutional referendum in which the people can express whether or not they want a National Constituent Assembly. We are confident that it would receive the majority support of the the citizens of this nation.

For our homeland’s comprehensive welfare, and for peace which is the fruit of justice…
Citizens United for the Constituent Assembly (CUCO)

Leopoldo E. Santamaría 4-117-1954
Miguel Antonio Bernal 8-153-2773
Lorenzo Obarrio 3-711-1732
Laura Candanedo M. 4-69-469
Gastón Dormoi 8-196-1008
Anayansi Turner 8-228-956
…a list of other signers, which is growing

 

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Movimiento Otro Camino, Las reformas electorales

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Lombana
 

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Dinero

Afghanistan’s new leaders

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mullah
Mullah Hasan Akhund, foreground, has been part of the Taliban leadership since the 1990s, when he served as foreign minister. AP Photo/B.K. Bangash

Who is Mullah Hasan Akhund? What does the Taliban’s choice of interim prime minister mean for Afghanistan?

by Ali A. Olomi, Penn State

The Taliban announced on Sept. 7, 2021, that Mullah Hasan Akhund has been appointed interim prime minister of Afghanistan. The decision comes more than two weeks after the militant Islamist group seized control of much of the country, including the capital, Kabul. The Conversation asked Ali A. Olomi, a historian of the Middle East and Islam at Penn State University, to explain who Mullah Akhund is, and what his appointment may portend for Afghanistan amid concern over human rights in the war-ravaged nation.

Who is Mullah Hasan Akhund?

Mullah Akhund is a fascinating but relatively enigmatic figure in the Taliban. He has been an influential figure in Afghanistan since the inception of the militant group in the 1990s.

But unlike other Taliban leaders from that period, he was not involved in the Soviet-Afghan war of the 1980s. While Taliban founder Mullah Mohammad Omar and his deputies fought with the mujahedeen – a loose network of anti-Soviet Afghan fighters – Akhund did not.

Instead, he is seen much more as a religious influence in the Taliban. He served on the Taliban’s shura councils, the traditional decision-making body made up of religious scholars and mullahs – an honorific given to those trained in Islamic theology.

Akhund is probably best known as one of the architects of the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan, the giant cliff statues destroyed by the Taliban in 2001.

Initially, Omar had no intention of destroying the statues. But the Taliban founder was angered at seeing conservation money being made available for the UNESCO world heritage site while failing to secure humanitarian aid from the United Nations for Afghanistan. As such, Omar sought out the advice of his shura, and Akhund was part of the council that ordered the destruction of the sixth-century statues.

Akhund held a political role in the Taliban government of the 1990s, serving as foreign minister; however, his importance lies more in the development of the group’s religious identity. He, like Mullah Omar, was schooled in a brand of strict Islamist ideology, known as Deobandism.

After the Taliban was ousted from Afghanistan in 2001, Akhund remained an influential presence, operating mostly from exile in Pakistan. From there he would give spiritual and religious guidance to the Taliban throughout the 2000s and 2010s. In this role, he provided the ideological justification for the ongoing insurgency against the United States and the U.S.-backed Afghan government.

Today, there are broadly two factions in the Taliban – a military wing that carries out the day-to-day campaigns, and a conservative religious elite grounded in Deobandism that acts as its political wing. Mullah Akhund aligns very much with the religious faction of the Taliban.

What does his appointment tell us about the Taliban?

There appears to be a power struggle behind Akhund’s appointment. Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, who served as deputy to Omar during the early years of the Taliban before assuming the position of de facto leader after Omar’s death, had been seen by many experts on Afghanistan as a potential head of state. But there is political tension between Baradar and the powerful Haqqani network – a family-based Islamist group that has become the Taliban’s de facto diplomatic arm in recent years and has been successful in gaining support for the group among other local groups.

Abdul Ghani Baradar attending peace talks in March 2021.

Some had expected Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar to be appointed the Afghan prime minister. Sefa Karacan/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

The Haqqanis are among the most militant factions of the Taliban. And recent conciliatory language from Baradar on issues such as women’s rights, working with the international community and amnesty for members of the former government runs counter to the ideology of the Haqqani network.

Akhund seems to be a compromise candidate between supporters of Baradar and the Haqqani network. The delay in his appointment – the Taliban repeatedly put off making an announcement – could be an indicator of internal divisions in the Taliban. When the announcement came, it was accompanied by news that Baradar would be his deputy, while two members of the Haqqani network would also serve in the Afghan government.

Whether this arrangement is permanent or temporary remains to be seen, but the compromise could be a testing of the waters of the Taliban – to see how effective Akhund is as a unifying figure for the group.

What does Akhund’s appointment mean for Afghanistan?

Akhund is a conservative, religious scholar whose beliefs include restrictions on women and the denial of civil rights for ethic and religious minorities.

His edicts in the 1990s, adopted by the Taliban, included the banning of women’s education, enforcing gender segregation and the adoption of strict religious garb. This could all be an indicator of what is to come. Despite the conciliatory language of the Taliban of late, I believe it is likely that we might see a return to some of the rules in place when the Taliban previously held power, including a ban on women’s education.

We have already seen on Sept. 5 the Taliban order female university students to wear the abaya. The abaya is similar to a burka, but it differs in that the coverings are nearly always black. The abaya is not Afghan, but a style of dress more common in the Gulf states of Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Qatar.

With this order, I see the Taliban signaling its intention to place Afghanistan within a wider Islamist movement. In the 1990s, the Taliban were very much an insular, nationalist group with the aim of bringing its brand of Islamist rule to Afghanistan. Now, Akhund seems to be looking to position the Taliban alongside international partners – an ambition that can also be seen in the Taliban’s recent diplomatic outreach with the governments of Qatar, the UAE and Pakistan.

Ali A. Olomi, Assistant Professor of History, Penn State

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 

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Dinero

Panameñistas, Las reformas electorales

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Fufo's party
 

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Dinero

Campamento virtual para educadores

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teach

Arranca el Campamento Virtual
de Punta Culebra para Docentes

por STRI

Del 6 al 10 de septiembre de 2021, el Centro Natural Punta Culebra del Instituto Smithsonian impartirá el Seminario-Taller “Campamento Virtual Punta Culebra”, dirigido a docentes de planteles oficiales de Educación Básica General de toda la República de Panamá. Será el segundo año consecutivo en que se imparte de manera virtual un taller anual de desarrollo profesional para maestros y la primera vez que Smithsonian se une con el equipo de Estudio Nuboso, un colectivo de artistas, diseñadores, educadores e investigadores, para lograrlo.

El currículo, diseñado por Estudio Nuboso y con el aval del Ministerio de Educación de Panamá (MEDUCA) fue pensado tomando en cuenta los nuevos retos a los que se han enfrentado los docentes en los últimos tiempos.

“Hemos visto cómo las nuevas modalidades requieren de un espacio interdisciplinario de enriquecimiento, empatía, flexibilidad y creatividad de parte de los docentes en su labor hercúlea para servir a sus estudiantes durante la pandemia”, dijo Emily Zhukov, artista y educadora norteamericana radicada en Panamá, y una de las organizadoras y facilitadoras del seminario-taller. “Hemos visto cómo la colaboración nutritiva entre la ciencia y el arte genera nuevas vías para entender el mundo. El Diseño Universal para el Aprendizaje asegura equidad en el acceso a los conocimientos para todos los alumnos”, agregó Zhukov.

A lo largo de una semana, los educadores dispondrán un espacio de exploración para poner en práctica los modelos del Diseño Universal para el Aprendizaje (DUA) y del Aprendizaje por Indagación (Inquiry Based Learning, en inglés), en colaboración con artistas locales e investigadores del Instituto Smithsonian, removiendo barreras al aprendizaje mediante el arte y la ciencia. Estas nuevas estrategias y herramientas creativas les permitirán fortalecer el proceso de enseñanza y aprendizaje de la ciencia tanto presencial como virtualmente.

Los 40 docentes participantes fueron seleccionados con base en el orden de recepción de formularios y buscando garantizar una representación geográfica equitativa de todo el país. La capacitación cuenta con el apoyo de David y Patricia Jernigan y de la Embajada de Estados Unidos en Panamá.

 

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Dinero

Editorials: Mining talks; and Stop Beck’s would-be Crusade

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pipe rupture
A rupture of pipes through which mine tailings flowed from the Minera Panama copper mine. It turned the water downstream gray. Lawyers and their experts might argue about how toxic the spill was, but for people who take their drinking water or eat the fish downstream it was a catastrophic blow to their way of life. Will the company “come clean” and agree to pay the affected families enough to move to a crime-ridden apartment block elsewhere in Colon province and get used to urban life? The neoliberal notion that there is a free market in which everything is monentarily quantifiable and financially negotiable is just wrong – morally and factually – yet that’s the starting point at which the mining company and the Cortizo administration are starting in their bid to revive a concession contract that the original concessionaire declared non-viable under Panama’s environmental laws and which the Supreme Court years later declared unconstitutional. Minera Panama photo.

Negotiating what?

The Supreme Court ruled that the original Petaquilla mining concession, from which the Minera Panama copper mine was later separated out, was unconstitutional.

So what does the government do?

It makes a “deal” with a Canadian-registered company, whose chief operating officer is a Panamanian from a prominent PRD family – a fact which Nito tried to conceal from us – to revive the failed gold mine, with pending applications to expand the gold mine and to establish a gold refinery that’s sure to raise the ire of countries and international organizations that are trying to stop the traffic in conflict minerals.

It starts negotiations with the separate and ongoing copper mining company, with the expressed main intention of Panama receiving more money than it has been. Protests erupted, so we were told that the first phase of the talks will be about environmental matters. The idea that any full measure of reclamation after the environmental damage is going to happen or actually can happen within the lifetime of any person now living is ridiculous. What “environmental talks” are likely to happen will be about to what extent the company and its successors will be able to violate this country’s existing conservation laws.

Some will say that Panama is in a deep economic hole and MUST continue and expand the illegal mining concession. We have chamber of commerce types urging that for “legal security” Panama must find a way to legalize an illegal contract, so as not to be sued by a multinational corporation. As if the corporation’s lawyers couldn’t have looked up the facts on the ground and the laws on the books and known the mess into which the company was buying.

The worst flaw of the whole renegotiation process is the government’s slavish mentality. A huge copper extraction contract being negotiated by a government that has no industrial policy? Nobody at or near the top of the government even thinks about adding value to minerals extracted from Panama, in this country, so that we make, use and export things made of copper instead of just exporting semi-refined copper ore? No manufacturing jobs here?

Extraction without value added is one of the hallmarks of underdevelopment. Even when someone gets a skim and buys fancy cars with part of it.

Panama is better off without that sort of an economic model.

 

2
Men praying at the famous Blue Mosque in Mazar-e-Sharif. There were – and are – historic Christian and Jewish communities in Afghanistan, but these are minorities in a Muslim land. Moreover, at the outset of the US intervention this area was the scene of a terrible war crime, in which many Taliban prisoners of war were tortured to death, so bitter local memories may inflame public passions. Will this iteration of Taliban rule take the Quranic injunction that Muslims should protect “People or the Scriptures” – Christians and Jews – as a serious part of the Sharia? We shall see. What the world does not need to see is a right-wing American fanatic setting the Christian minority against Afghan Islam. Photo by vetman.

No would-be Crusader should be allowed to start another Afghan War

Glenn Beck and a Christian organization created a stand-off with the Taliban, attempting to fly a few dozen US citizens, a few people who assisted US forces in its Afghanistan war effort, a number of Afghans who confess to the Christian faith to fly out of the northern Afghan city of Mazar-e-Sharif?

Better for the US State Department to talk things out with the new government of Afghanistan, to try to let anyone who wants to go to leave peacfully. Better for the US Justice Department to pay Glenn Beck a visit, with our without an arrest warrant in hand, and let him know in no uncertain terms that he will not be allowed to interpose himself, or his religion, in a sensitive situation in which lives are on the line.

The US Constitution was not handed down by God and is not legally persuasive outside of the United States and its possessions. In any case, the use of Christian missionaries and those whom they convert as pawns in whose supposed defense imperial powers go to war with smaller countries is the stuff of 18th and 19th century European colonialism. The notion of the United States getting into holy wars like the Crusades or the Wars of the Reformation was specifically rejected by the founders of the United States of America.

Will Mr. Beck plead freedom of the press? US notions of that don’t apply under the Taliban’s brand of Sharia law. If Americans look honestly and deeply into US history, yellow journalism like the Pulitzer versus Hearst newspaper wars that provoked the Spanish-American War and The New York Times and The Washington Post publishing lies about Saddam Hussein’s supposed weapons of mass destruction have brought on great human suffering for no good reason. The United States was an active participant in the trial and execution of the publisher of the Nazi newspaper Der Sturmer, and raised no objection to the trial and punishment of Rwandan journalists who promoted an ethnic massacre. By any proper standard, freedom of the press does not include any right or privilege to incite pogroms, genocide or war. Such incitement is what Beck’s “save the Afghan Christians” ploy is all about. The whole world should stand against that, no matter what nasty things might be truthfully said about the Taliban.

Putting on ploys to provoke holy wars in hope that the United States would be involved are criminal acts. By their very nature, these things get people killed. If Glenn Beck gets himself haled before an Afghan qadi or the International Criminal Court, the US government should not object or intervene. It would be better for the United States to avoid such things by itself dealing with the Glenn Beck problem, so as to keep a fragile peace.

 

3
Mexican poet Octavio Paz. Photo by Rafael Doniz.

                    Deserve your dream.

Octavio Paz                  

Bear in mind…

 

He’s a writer for the ages — the ages of four to eight.

Dorothy Parker

 

Anything that contradicts experience and logic should be abandoned.

Tenzin Gyatso, the Dalai Lama

 

Inspiration usually comes during work, rather than before it.

Madeleine L’Engle

 

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¿Wappin? Breaking the chains / Rompiendo las cadenas

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Liz
AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler / Presidenta de AFL-CIO Liz Shuler. Photo by / Foto por Slide Owl.

After losses in August, labor marches on
Después de pérdidas en agosto, la marcha laboral continúa

Leslie Gore – You Don’t Own Me
https://youtu.be/e166LIQ5nSg

Exuma — Obeah Man
https://youtu.be/Q-4gnxxtPtI

The Jimi Hendrix Experience – Voodoo Child (Slight Return)
https://youtu.be/qFfnlYbFEiE

Lord Panama & Víctor Boa – The Bomb
https://youtu.be/4dBUizFlhu8

Etta James – All I Could Do Is Cry
https://youtu.be/GCKIpbiZpXo

Sam Cooke – Chain Gang
https://youtu.be/0ijqGOlmnCk

The Beatles – You’ve Got To Hide Your Love Away
https://youtu.be/V8nLraecPRY

Janelle Davidson & Horacio Valdes – Me Rindo
https://youtu.be/JGVMzrc9IA4

Mighty Panther – The Bedbug Song
https://youtu.be/qZQT23SMqM4

Kany García – Para Siempre
https://youtu.be/ieBvA3kMJB4

David Bowie – Ziggy Stardust
https://youtu.be/CBKUPmOI8Cw

The Mighty Diamonds – Poor Man’s Prayer
https://youtu.be/LA_pvjm2QP4

Churupaca – Luna Nueva
https://youtu.be/mdCxpVDwuhw

Séptima Raíz – De frente con Jah
https://youtu.be/qfEZeC77mcI

Chrissy Hynde – I’ll Stand By You
https://youtu.be/vKl7DrQj9ig

2
This Labor Day Weekend we honor our working class heroes: Richard Trumka, who led the AFL-CIO. Ed Asner, who led the Screen Actors Guild. Surely they are raising hell en El Otro Barrio. Trumka photo by Linh Do; Asner photo by Gage Skidmore.
 

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Dinero

Cortizo, Negotiating a new mine deal

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Crud
Mine crud: an accidental spill of tailings from the copper mine in Donoso turns a local river gray. Environmentalists have always hated the project, Their reasons start with deforestation and get into destructive runoff and other issues. The immediate reason for the renegotiation is that Panama’s Supreme Court, after years of litigation, found the mine concession contract unconstitutional. There are many economic issues, of which the present administration concentrates on one, that the government’s revenues from the project are low by world standards.

Nito Cortizo’s remarks on the start of negotiations for a new contract with Minera Panama

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I want to take advantage of this moment to refer to another issue of great importance in which transparency and information to the public are also key factors for the success of a task of national interest.

On tomorrow, September 1, negotiations between the Panamanian State and the company Minera Panamá will begin.

For this, I have appointed a high-level team committed to the interests of the country to which I have given precise and concrete guidelines that should guide these negotiations.

The purpose is to reach an entirely new contract with the company Minera Panamá, which establishes the terms of its presence in the country as well as the conditions for the exploitation of the so-called Cobre Panamá mine.

For our government in this negotiationthe commitment to safeguard the interests of the nation, seeking the maximum use of our natural resources, prevails above all else.

This means that the country has to receive substantial and fair income from the extraction of its mineral resources and that the operations of said extraction are carried out in accordance with the best practices established for mining by the international community.

It is a comprehensive negotiation that includes guaranteeing the environmental, labor, tax, economic and social development aspects, especially in the neighboring communities of the Donoso and Omar Torrijos districts.

That is our commitment to the country. For this I have asked our negotiators for the greatest determination, integrity and transparency. That’s what the country expects from them and from their actions in this negotiation.

The Panamanian spokespeople in this negotiation have all my confidence. I know that the terms that are agreed will fully respond to the higher purpose of achieving the best use of our mineral resources for the benefit of all Panamanians.

 

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Biden ends a war

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Remarks by President Biden on the end of the war in Afghanistan

Last night in Kabul, the United States ended 20 years of war in Afghanistan — the longest war in American history.

We completed one of the biggest airlifts in history, with more than 120,000 people evacuated to safety. That number is more than double what most experts thought were possible. No nation — no nation has ever done anything like it in all of history. Only the United States had the capacity and the will and the ability to do it, and we did it today.

The extraordinary success of this mission was due to the incredible skill, bravery, and selfless courage of the United States military and our diplomats and intelligence professionals.

For weeks, they risked their lives to get American citizens, Afghans who helped us, citizens of our Allies and partners, and others onboard planes and out of the country. And they did it facing a crush of enormous crowds seeking to leave the country. And they did it knowing ISIS-K terrorists — sworn enemies of the Taliban — were lurking in the midst of those crowds.

And still, the men and women of the United States military, our diplomatic corps, and intelligence professionals did their job and did it well, risking their lives not for professional gains but to serve others; not in a mission of war but in a mission of mercy. Twenty servicemembers were wounded in the service of this mission. Thirteen heroes gave their lives.

I was just at Dover Air Force Base for the dignified transfer. We owe them and their families a debt of gratitude we can never repay but we should never, ever, ever forget.

In April, I made the decision to end this war. As part of that decision, we set the date of August 31st for American troops to withdraw. The assumption was that more than 300,000 Afghan National Security Forces that we had trained over the past two decades and equipped would be a strong adversary in their civil wars with the Taliban.

That assumption — that the Afghan government would be able to hold on for a period of time beyond military drawdown — turned out not to be accurate.

But I still instructed our national security team to prepare for every eventuality — even that one. And that’s what we did.

So, we were ready when the Afghan Security Forces — after two decades of fighting for their country and losing thousands of their own — did not hold on as long as anyone expected.

We were ready when they and the people of Afghanistan watched their own government collapse and their president flee amid the corruption and malfeasance, handing over the country to their enemy, the Taliban, and significantly increasing the risk to US personnel and our Allies.

As a result, to safely extract American citizens before August 31st — as well as embassy personnel, Allies and partners, and those Afghans who had worked with us and fought alongside of us for 20 years — I had authorized 6,000 troops — American troops — to Kabul to help secure the airport.

As General McKenzie said, this is the way the mission was designed. It was designed to operate under severe stress and attack. And that’s what it did.

Since March, we reached out 19 times to Americans in Afghanistan, with multiple warnings and offers to help them leave Afghanistan — all the way back as far as March. After we started the evacuation 17 days ago, we did initial outreach and analysis and identified around 5,000 Americans who had decided earlier to stay in Afghanistan but now wanted to leave.

Our Operation Allied Rescue [Allies Refuge] ended up getting more than 5,500 Americans out. We got out thousands of citizens and diplomats from those countries that went into Afghanistan with us to get bin Laden. We got out locally employed staff of the United States Embassy and their families, totaling roughly 2,500 people. We got thousands of Afghan translators and interpreters and others, who supported the United States, out as well.

Now we believe that about 100 to 200 Americans remain in Afghanistan with some intention to leave. Most of those who remain are dual citizens, long-time residents who had earlier decided to stay because of their family roots in Afghanistan.

The bottom line: Ninety [Ninety-eight] percent of Americans in Afghanistan who wanted to leave were able to leave.

And for those remaining Americans, there is no deadline. We remain committed to get them out if they want to come out. Secretary of State Blinken is leading the continued diplomatic efforts to ensure a safe passage for any American, Afghan partner, or foreign national who wants to leave Afghanistan.

In fact, just yesterday, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution that sent a clear message about what the international community expects the Taliban to deliver on moving forward, notably freedom of travel, freedom to leave. And together, we are joined by over 100 countries that are determined to make sure the Taliban upholds those commitments.

It will include ongoing efforts in Afghanistan to reopen the airport, as well as overland routes, allowing for continued departure to those who want to leave and delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan.

The Taliban has made public commitments, broadcast on television and radio across Afghanistan, on safe passage for anyone wanting to leave, including those who worked alongside Americans. We don’t take them by their word alone but by their actions, and we have leverage to make sure those commitments are met.

Let me be clear: Leaving August the 31st is not due to an arbitrary deadline; it was designed to save American lives.

My predecessor, the former President, signed an agreement with the Taliban to remove US troops by May the 1st, just months after I was inaugurated. It included no requirement that the Taliban work out a cooperative governing arrangement with the Afghan government, but it did authorize the release of 5,000 prisoners last year, including some of the Taliban’s top war commanders, among those who just took control of Afghanistan.

And by the time I came to office, the Taliban was in its strongest military position since 2001, controlling or contesting nearly half of the country.

The previous administration’s agreement said that if we stuck to the May 1st deadline that they had signed on to leave by, the Taliban wouldn’t attack any American forces, but if we stayed, all bets were off.

So we were left with a simple decision: Either follow through on the commitment made by the last administration and leave Afghanistan, or say we weren’t leaving and commit another tens of thousands more troops going back to war.

That was the choice — the real choice — between leaving or escalating.

I was not going to extend this forever war, and I was not extending a forever exit. The decision to end the military airlift operations at Kabul airport was based on the unanimous recommendation of my civilian and military advisors — the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and all the service chiefs, and the commanders in the field.

Their recommendation was that the safest way to secure the passage of the remaining Americans and others out of the country was not to continue with 6,000 troops on the ground in harm’s way in Kabul, but rather to get them out through non-military means.

In the 17 days that we operated in Kabul after the Taliban seized power, we engaged in an around-the-clock effort to provide every American the opportunity to leave. Our State Department was working 24/7 contacting and talking, and in some cases, walking Americans into the airport.

Again, more than 5,500 Americans were airlifted out. And for those who remain, we will make arrangements to get them out if they so choose.

As for the Afghans, we and our partners have airlifted 100,000 of them. No country in history has done more to airlift out the residents of another country than we have done. We will continue to work to help more people leave the country who are at risk. And we’re far from done.

For now, I urge all Americans to join me in grateful prayer for our troops and diplomats and intelligence officers who carried out this mission of mercy in Kabul and at tremendous risk with such unparalleled results: an airma- — an airlift that evacuated tens of thousands to a network of volunteers and veterans who helped identifies [identify] those needing evacuation, guide them to the airport, and provided them for their support along the way.

We’re going to continue to need their help. We need your help. And I’m looking forward to meeting with you.

And to everyone who is now offering or who will offer to welcome Afghan allies to their homes around the world, including in America: We thank you.

I take responsibility for the decision. Now, some say we should have started mass evacuations sooner and “Couldn’t this have be done — have been done in a more orderly manner?” I respectfully disagree.

Imagine if we had begun evacuations in June or July, bringing in thousands of American troops and evacuating more than 120,000 people in the middle of a civil war. There still would have been a rush to the airport, a breakdown in confidence and control of the government, and it still would have been a very difficult and dangerous mission.

The bottom line is: There is no evacuation from the end of a war that you can run without the kinds of complexities, challenges, and threats we faced. None.

There are those who would say we should have stayed indefinitely for years on end. They ask, “Why don’t we just keep doing what we were doing? Why did we have to change anything?”

The fact is: Everything had changed. My predecessor had made a deal with the Taliban. When I came into office, we faced a deadline — May 1. The Taliban onslaught was coming.

We faced one of two choices: Follow the agreement of the previous administration and extend it to have — or extend to more time for people to get out; or send in thousands of more troops and escalate the war.

To those asking for a third decade of war in Afghanistan, I ask: What is the vital national interest? In my view, we only have one: to make sure Afghanistan can never be used again to launch an attack on our homeland.

Remember why we went to Afghanistan in the first place? Because we were attacked by Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda on September 11th, 2001, and they were based in Afghanistan.

We delivered justice to bin Laden on May 2nd, 2011 — over a decade ago. Al Qaeda was decimated.

I respectfully suggest you ask yourself this question: If we had been attacked on September 11, 2001, from Yemen instead of Afghanistan, would we have ever gone to war in Afghanistan — even though the Taliban controlled Afghanistan in 2001? I believe the honest answer is “no.” That’s because we had no vital national interest in Afghanistan other than to prevent an attack on America’s homeland and our friends. And that’s true today.

We succeeded in what we set out to do in Afghanistan over a decade ago. Then we stayed for another decade. It was time to end this war.

This is a new world. The terror threat has metastasized across the world, well beyond Afghanistan. We face threats from al-Shabaab in Somalia; al Qaeda affiliates in Syria and the Arabian Peninsula; and ISIS attempting to create a caliphate in Syria and Iraq, and establishing affiliates across Africa and Asia.

The fundamental obligation of a President, in my opinion, is to defend and protect America — not against threats of 2001, but against the threats of 2021 and tomorrow.

That is the guiding principle behind my decisions about Afghanistan. I simply do not believe that the safety and security of America is enhanced by continuing to deploy thousands of American troops and spending billions of dollars a year in Afghanistan.

But I also know that the threat from terrorism continues in its pernicious and evil nature. But it’s changed, expanded to other countries. Our strategy has to change too.

We will maintain the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and other countries. We just don’t need to fight a ground war to do it. We have what’s called over-the-horizon capabilities, which means we can strike terrorists and targets without American boots on the ground — or very few, if needed.

We’ve shown that capacity just in the last week. We struck ISIS-K remotely, days after they murdered 13 of our servicemembers and dozens of innocent Afghans.

And to ISIS-K: We are not done with you yet.

As Commander-in-Chief, I firmly believe the best path to guard our safety and our security lies in a tough, unforgiving, targeted, precise strategy that goes after terror where it is today, not where it was two decades ago. That’s what’s in our national interest.

And here’s a critical thing to understand: The world is changing. We’re engaged in a serious competition with China. We’re dealing with the challenges on multiple fronts with Russia. We’re confronted with cyberattacks and nuclear proliferation.

We have to shore up America’s competitiveness to meet these new challenges in the competition for the 21st century. And we can do both: fight terrorism and take on new threats that are here now and will continue to be here in the future.

And there’s nothing China or Russia would rather have, would want more in this competition than the United States to be bogged down another decade in Afghanistan.

As we turn the page on the foreign policy that has guided our nation the last two decades, we’ve got to learn from our mistakes.

To me, there are two that are paramount. First, we must set missions with clear, achievable goals — not ones we’ll never reach. And second, we must stay clearly focused on the fundamental national security interest of the United States of America.

This decision about Afghanistan is not just about Afghanistan. It’s about ending an era of major military operations to remake other countries.

We saw a mission of counterterrorism in Afghanistan — getting the terrorists and stopping attacks — morph into a counterinsurgency, nation building — trying to create a democratic, cohesive, and unified Afghanistan -– something that has never been done over the many centuries of Afghans’ [Afghanistan’s] history.

Moving on from that mindset and those kind of large-scale troop deployments will make us stronger and more effective and safer at home.

And for anyone who gets the wrong idea, let me say it clearly. To those who wish America harm, to those that engage in terrorism against us and our allies, know this: The United States will never rest. We will not forgive. We will not forget. We will hunt you down to the ends of the Earth, and we will — you will pay the ultimate price.

And let me be clear: We will continue to support the Afghan people through diplomacy, international influence, and humanitarian aid. We’ll continue to push for regional diplomacy and engagement to prevent violence and instability. We’ll continue to speak out for basic rights of the Afghan people, especially women and girls, as we speak out for women and girls all around the globe. And I’ve been clear that human rights will be the center of our foreign policy.

But the way to do that is not through endless military deployments, but through diplomacy, economic tools, and rallying the rest of the world for support.

My fellow Americans, the war in Afghanistan is now over. I’m the fourth President who has faced the issue of whether and when to end this war. When I was running for President, I made a commitment to the American people that I would end this war. And today, I’ve honored that commitment. It was time to be honest with the American people again. We no longer had a clear purpose in an open-ended mission in Afghanistan.

After 20 years of war in Afghanistan, I refused to send another generation of America’s sons and daughters to fight a war that should have ended long ago.

After more than $2 trillion spent in Afghanistan — a cost that researchers at Brown University estimated would be over $300 million a day for 20 years in Afghanistan — for two decades — yes, the American people should hear this: $300 million a day for two decades.

If you take the number of $1 trillion, as many say, that’s still $150 million a day for two decades. And what have we lost as a consequence in terms of opportunities? I refused to continue in a war that was no longer in the service of the vital national interest of our people.

And most of all, after 800,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan — I’ve traveled that whole country — brave and honorable service; after 20,744 American servicemen and women injured, and the loss of 2,461 American personnel, including 13 lives lost just this week, I refused to open another decade of warfare in Afghanistan.

We’ve been a nation too long at war. If you’re 20 years old today, you have never known an America at peace.

So, when I hear that we could’ve, should’ve continued the so-called low-grade effort in Afghanistan, at low risk to our service members, at low cost, I don’t think enough people understand how much we have asked of the 1 percent of this country who put that uniform on, who are willing to put their lives on the line in defense of our nation.

Maybe it’s because my deceased son, Beau, served in Iraq for a full year, before that. Well, maybe it’s because of what I’ve seen over the years as senator, vice president, and president traveling these countries.

A lot of our veterans and their families have gone through hell — deployment after deployment, months and years away from their families; missed birthdays, anniversaries; empty chairs at holidays; financial struggles; divorces; loss of limbs; traumatic brain injury; posttraumatic stress.

We see it in the struggles many have when they come home. We see it in the strain on their families and caregivers. We see it in the strain of their families when they’re not there. We see it in the grief borne by their survivors. The cost of war they will carry with them their whole lives.

Most tragically, we see it in the shocking and stunning statistic that should give pause to anyone who thinks war can ever be low-grade, low-risk, or low-cost: 18 veterans, on average, who die by suicide every single day in America — not in a far-off place, but right here in America.

There’s nothing low-grade or low-risk or low-cost about any war. It’s time to end the war in Afghanistan.

As we close 20 years of war and strife and pain and sacrifice, it’s time to look to the future, not the past — to a future that’s safer, to a future that’s more secure, to a future that honors those who served and all those who gave what President Lincoln called their “last full measure of devotion.”

I give you my word: With all of my heart, I believe this is the right decision, a wise decision, and the best decision for America.

Thank you. Thank you. And may God bless you all. And may God protect our troops.

 

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Editorials: Hard times in Panama; and Winning at peace

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bad

How bad is it?

The government hardly counts the number of people working informally, and even then rarely does it very accurately. There was a general consensus, however, that before the COVID epidemic hit the informal sector encompassed about half of working Panamanians. That percentage has surely grown during plague times.

We hear from the government and from the labor unions that about half of those formally employed in the private sector are laid off or permanently out of work. Many businesses that are reopening are doing so with fewer employees, and a lot of worthy businesses are now gone forever.

In the public sector, there has been an expansion to put as many PRD activists as possible on the payroll. That has expanded the national debt, which would not be all that horrible if we saw some significant additions to Panama’s national public wealth to show for it. We haven’t.

The law enforcement part of the public sector is slowly waking up to reality. Are gangsters being slain in upscale places? That the police do not ignore. Nor are they ignoring the US-imposed “War On Drugs.” However, the security minister downplays the threat to the public of organized crime figures killing each other, and lets the press coverage of a slain gang leader’s presence on the San Miguelito mayor’s payroll go without his comment. We are getting different sorts of communications from the police these days – commentary, reports and advice about the increasing garden-variety crimes that people see. Like warnings and video clips about gangs of pickpockets working around Metro stops – and getting arrested for it. Like advice about resisting the many fraud artists circulating, in society and online. Like tales of the police increasing their presence in places where they rarely went before, just to remind people that they exist to maintain public order throughout the land.

On the other hand, police riot squads are getting called out more often to confront protesters over social and economic issues. These are often over issues that directly affect many cops or their families. Color that social instability.

The economy is bad, and as it improves it will only do so at a slow pace.

We need to look into our own hearts, and to our neighbors, families and friends, to get by these hard times. Perhaps the government might start to help, but we can’t depend on that. Kindness, generosity and self-restraint are called for.

 

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“Before.” And still, with a large influx into the USA, and people pouring across Afghanistan’s borders with Pakistan and Afghanistan, with many more Afghans leaving than coming back.

The war is over

Let the Taliban celebrate this day. We should not be surprised if for generations into the future, even after the Taliban is gone from the Afghan government, this will be a national holiday in Afghanistan. Americans should be no ruder about it than Brits are about the Fourth of July. The war is over, and adjustments must be made to the realities that come with that.

There remain tasks of making peace. At the top of the agendas of the United States but also the United Kingdom, there are citizens left behind. Those who wanted to leave need to be helped on their way, and those whom the new Afghan government insists must leave need protection and perhaps transportation. There need to be continued lines of communication and cooperation with the Taliban to do these things. It would be a good thing if the airport in Kabul, cleaned up and under a suitable new name, reopens and allows neutral country civilian passenger jets to come in and out with a free flow of people coming and going to rebuild their lives in different settings.

To properly evacuate everyone to whom the United States owes a duty of protection, the Biden administration needs to talk with the governments of both Pakistan and Iran. It would be a good opportunity to ease tensions, talk about many things and build bridges with the conservative new administration of Iran in the process.

Donald Trump now screams that the Taliban owes the USA millions for the weapons that departing US forces destroyed on the way out to prevent anyone else from using. The war hawks now scream about Joe Biden’s “crime” of ending this longest US war. Let them scream. Let them run for office on their conspiracy theories about it.

But let’s not allow US standing in the world to be determined by such boorish domestic politics. There is still a peace to be won, starting with the more complete evacuation of those who want or need to leave Afghanistan and continuing to a point when nobody in his or her right mind in either country will advocate going back to war.

 

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Churchill, standing apart on the right, as a prisoner of war during the Boer War. He escaped. In the ups and downs of politics, he was as First Lord of the Admiralty blamed for the disastrous British attack on Turkey at Gallipoli in World War I, as Prime Minister rallied Britons to endure the German Blitz, was then blamed for the fall of Singapore at the outset of the Pacific theater of World War II, celebrated victory in Europe and was promptly thrown out of office by the voters, saw his old nemesis Gandhi — whom he had jailed — lead India to independence, then came back for another term as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Like many a politician before and since, he went the distance.

 

If Hitler were to invade Hell, I would at least make a favorable reference to the devil in the House of Commons.

Winston Churchill

 

Bear in mind…

 

Write what should not be forgotten.

Isabel Allende

 

 

Man, far from being the overlord of all creation, is himself part of nature, subject to the same cosmic forces that control all other life. Man’s future welfare and probably even his survival depend upon his learning to live in harmony, rather than in combat, with these forces.

Rachel Carson

 

 

There never was a good war or a bad peace.

Benjamin Franklin

 

 

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